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Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MS80 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  institute  for  Historical  IVIicroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


\ 


^ 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notea  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  altar  any  of  the  imagea  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


□    Coloured  covera/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


r~~|   Covera  damaged/ 


D 


D 


n 

D 
D 


0 


Couverture  endommagie 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  reataurAe  et/ou  pellicula 


I — I   Cover  title  miaaing/ 


La  titre  de  couverture  manque 


Coloured  mapa/ 

Cartea  giographiquea  en  couleur 


□   Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


Coloured  platea  and/or  illuatrationa/ 
Planchea  et/ou  illuatrationa  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli*  avac  d'autrea  documents 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distorsion  le  long  ds  la  marge  int6rleure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certainas  pagea  biancnaa  ajoutiea 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaiaaant  dana  le  texte. 
maia.  lorsque  cela  itait  possible,  ces  pagea  n'ont 
pea  6xi  filmAea. 


L'Inatitut  a  microfilm*  le  meillaur  examplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  itt  possible  de  se  procurer.  Las  details 
da  cet  exemplaira  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique.  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  una 
modification  dans  la  mAthode  normaia  da  filmaga 
sont  indiquto  ci-dessous. 


□   Coloured  pagea/ 
Pagea  de  couleur 


D 

D 

D 


D 


Pagea  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagiaa 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurias  et/ou  pelliculies 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dicolories,  tachatAes  ou  piqutes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachies 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


r~1    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Qualiti  inigaia  de  I'impreaaion 

Includea  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  matiriei  supplimentaira 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  diaponibia 


Pagea  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  ate,  have  been  refilmad  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pagea  totalement  ou  partiallemant 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  filmies  i  nouveau  de  fa^on  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


Additional  commanta:/ 
Commentaires  supplAmentaires: 


Wrinkled  pages  may  film  slightly  out  of  focus. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  i^hacked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-deaaoua. 

IPX 14X         18X 22X 

I    I     I    I    I    I    I    I    Ul    I    I    I     I 


26X 


30X 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


Th«  copy  filmad  h«r«  hM  b««n  r«produc«d  thank* 
to  tho  gonorotity  of: 


L'M«mplair«  film4  fut  roproduit  grico  i  la 
gAnirositA  da: 


New  Bruntwick  Museum 

Seint  John 
Th*  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  boat  quality 
poaaibia  eonaldaring  tha  condition  and  lagibillty 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filnting  contract  apaclficationa. 


Original  eoplao  in  printad  papar  eovara  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  Impraa- 
aion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  coplaa  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
f  irat  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa* 
aion.  and  anding  on  tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illuatratad  impraaaion. 


New  Brunswick  Museum 
Saint  John 

Laa  imagaa  auhrantaa  ont  it*  raproduitaa  avae  la 
plua  grand  aoin,  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattati  da  I'axamplaira  film*,  at  •n 
conformit*  avac  laa  conditiona  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Laa  axamplairaa  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  aat  imprim4a  aont  filmto  m\  eommanpant 
par  la  pramlar  plat  at  an  tarminant  aoit  par  la 
damMra  paga  qui  cpmporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraaaion  ou  d'illuatration,  aoit  par  la  aacond 
plat,  aalon  la  caa.  Toua  laa  autraa  axan^iplaSraa 
originaux  aont  filmte  an  commandant  par  la 
pramlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraaaion  ou  d'ijluatration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  talla 
amprainta. 


Tha  laat  racordad  frama  on  aach  mieroficha 
shall  contain  tha  aymboi  — ^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  aymboi  y  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  appliaa. 


Un  daa  aymbdaa  aulvanta  apparattra  aur  la 
damlAra  Imaga  da  chaqua  mieroficha,  salon  la 
caa:  la  aymbola  — »>  signif la  "A  SUIVRE",  la 
aymbolo  ▼  signifia  "FIN". 


Mapa,  plataa,  charta,  ate,  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thoaa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  included  In  ona  axpoaura  ara  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  comar.  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  aa  many  framaa  aa 
raqulrad.  Tha  following  diagrama  illuatrata  tha 
mathod: 


Laa  cartaa,  planchaa.  tablaaux,  ate,  pauvant  Atra 
filmte  A  daa  taux  da  rMuctlon  dIffAranta. 
Lorsqua  ki  document  aat  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
raprodult  an  un  aaul  clichi,  11  aat  film*  k  partir 
da  I'angia  supAriaur  gaucha,  da  gaucha  A  droita, 
at  da  haut  an  baa,  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagaa  nAcaaaaira.  Laa  diagrammaa  suivants 
illuatrant  la  mAthoda. 


1  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

jir*- 


I 


i 


'■>? 


■mi 


» • 


♦•-■*. 


TUK 


tfVES  AND   SERVICES 


OF 


MAJOli  GENERAL  JOHN  THOMAS, 
COLONEL  THOMAS  KN0WLT6n, 
COLONEL  ALEXANDER  SCAMMELL, 
MAJOR  GENERAL  HENRY  DEARBORN. 


COMPILED  BY  CHARLES  COFFIN. 


NEW- YORK  : 

EGBERT,  HOVEY  k.  KING,  PRINTERS,  374  PEARL-STREET. 

1845. 


f     '• 


PREFACE. 


Having  long  been  satisfied  from  the  general  history  of 
the  Revolution,  that  no  officer  deserved  the  esteem  and 
respect  of  his  country,  more  than  General  Thomas,  I  have 
been  led  to  look  more  particularly  into  the  grounds  of  the 
high  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  Washington,  Con- 
gress, the  army  and  the  country,  and  am  satisfied  his  fame 
was  not  ephemeral,  but  well  founded^ 


In  this  inquiry,  valuable  letters  from  Generals  Wash- 
ington, Lee,  and  Schuyler,  and  from  John  Adams,  never 
before  published,  have  come  to  light,  and  are  of  such  value, 
connected  with  the  early  movements  of  the  Revolution,  as 
to  induce  my  consent  that  the  whole  should  be  published. 

Thb  Compiler. 
New-York,  March,  184^ 


It 


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sh< 

tin 

of 

oth 

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and 

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Beg 

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for] 


MAJOR  GENERAL  JOHN  THOMAS. 


The  determination  of  the  mind  to  relinquish  the  loft 
scenes  of  tranquil  life  for  the  rough  adventures  of  war,  is 
generally  attended  with  the  conviction  that  the  act  is 
laudable ;  and  with  the  wish,  that  its  honorable  exertions 
should  be  faithfully  transmitted  to  posterity.  These  sen- 
timent.'.  lead  to  the  cultivation  of  virtue ;  and  the  effect 
of  the  one  is  magnified  by  the  accomplishment  of  the 
other.  %  ;^  • 

In  usefulness  to  society,  the  degree  is  inconsiderable 
between  the  conduct  of  him  who  performs  great  actions, 
and  of  him  who  records  them :  for  short  must  be  the  re- 
membrance,  circumscribed  the  influence  of  p?vt  riotic  exer- 
tions and  heroic  exploits,  unless  the  patient  ni'^iorian  re- 
trieves them  from  oblivion,  and  holds  them  up  conspicu- 
ously to  future  ages.  "Whenever  the  images  of  the  great 
men  of  the  commonwealth  are  beheld,  the  mind  is  excit- 
ed to  virtue.  It  cannot  be  the  wax  or  the  marble  which 
possesses  this  power,  but  the  recollection  of  their  great 
actions  kindling  a  generous  flame  in  the  breast,  not  to  be 
quelled,,  till  by  virtue,  equal  fame  and  glory  is  acquired. 
Regretting  as  all  do,  that  even  the  names,  much  less  the 
deeds,  of  some  of  the  principal  actors  in  our  contest 

for  Independence,  are  scarcely  known  by  their  posterity. 

1 


I  have  been  led  to  this,  my  present  undertaking  with  the 
hope  of  contributing  in  some  degree  to  repair  the  effects 
of  this  much  lamented  indifference. 

With  this  view,  I  am  about  to  write  the  memoirs  of 
the  person  whose  name  is  at  the  head  of  this  article.  It 
is  at  once  discovered  that  the  task  will  not  be  easy  in  itself* 
nor  will  it  be  entirely  satisfactory  in  the  performance. 
The  causes  which  render  it  difficult  in  this  case,  are  no 
doubt,  in  some  measure  similar  in  all  like  attempts.  The 
companions  of  General  Thomas,  in  civil,  professional 
and  military  life,  have  long  since  passed  away,  more  than 
sixty-eight  years  having  elapsed  since  his  death.  The 
confidential  officers  about  his  person,  at  his  death,  in  a 
foreign  province,  overcome  with  the  event,  and  occupied 
with  the  necessary  attention  to  their  official  duties,  in  an 
army  prostrate  with  sickness  of  the  most  malignant  kind 
and  on  a  retreat  in  an  enemies  country,  pursued  by  a  well 
appointed  army  flushed  with  success,  and  commanded 
by  a  consummate  general,did  not,  and  could  not  have  giv- 
en that  attention  to  the  safe  keeping  of  the  private  papers 
of  their  general,  which  would  have  aided  in  the  perform- 
ance of  the  task  imposed. 

On  the  part  of  his  descendants  it  is  admitted  and  re- 
gretted, that  less  care  and  attention  has  been  given  than 
should  have  been^  to  the  preservation  of  those  family  re- 
cords and  traditions,  which  would  have  gone  far  to  have 
made  this  memoir  the  more  complete  and  interesting, 
and  rendered  the  life  and  services  of  their  ancestor  more 
conspicuous  and  useful.  The  apprehension  which  seems 
to  have  influenced  them,  that  they  might  be  considered 


ith  the 
eflects 

loirs  of 
:le.     It 
n  itself* 
mance. 
,  are  no 
s.   The 
Bssional 
)re  than 
I.    The 
ith,  in  a 
ccnpied 
;s,  in  an 
int  kind 
y  a  well 
manded 
ave  giv- 
3  papers 
>erform- 

and  re- 
en  than 
lily  re- 
Ito  have 
Iresting, 
)r  more 
seems 
isidered 


desirous  to  blazon  the  fame  of  their  ancestor,  was  not  a 
sufficient  reason  or  excuse,  for  they  should  have  consid- 
ered, as  they  must  have  known,  that  he  was  an  honored 
and  cherished  son  of  the  Republic.  They  should  have 
constituted  themselves  the  guardians  of  his  fame,  as  well 
lor  themselves,  as  fortheir  country  and  future  ages.  But 
what  would  seem  almost  incredible,  is,  that  not  even  a 
newspaper  sketch  has  ever  been  published  of  the  ser- 
vices of  General  Thomas,  to  which  reference  could  be 
had.  But  the  facts  within  reach,  and  which  have  come 
to  hand,  are  such,  that  they  cannot  mislead.  With  the 
materials  which  remain,  the  undertaking  will  proceed, 
with  the  assurance,  that  biography  shall  not  be  turned  to 
eulogy  nor  history  to  romance. 

General  Thomas  was  of  English^descent.  His  direct 
ancestor  arrived  in  the  old  colony  of  Plymouth  in  the 
year  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  twenty-one,  the  next 
year  after  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth,  and 
immediately  took  up  his  residence  in  the  present  town  of 
MarshfieW,  in  the  county  of  Plymoutli,  where  the  sub- 
ject of  this  memoir  was  born  in  the  year  1724.  Of  his 
first  ancestor  and  his  immediate  descendants,  little  is  now 
known  further  than  that  their  time  must  have  been  prin- 
cipally occupied  in  obtaining  the  necessaries  of  life,  food 
and  raiment,  in  that  then  drjary  and  inhospitable  wilder- 
ness. It  is  however  known  that  his  grand-father  and 
father,  who  both  bore  the  name  of  John,  were  substantial 
farmers  and  leading  men  in  the  town  with  the  Winslows 
and  Whites. 

After  a  suitable  preliminary  education,  he  became  a 


l( 


I 


.1  I 


8 

medical  student  with  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts,  of  Medford,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Boston,  a  distinguished  Physician  ;  for  at 
that  time  there  were  no  medical  colleges  in  Massachusetts 
or  New  England.  On  completing  his  medical  educa- 
tion, Dr.  Thomas  commenced  practice  in  his  native 
town,  but  in  a  few  years  removed  to  Kingston,  in  the  same 
county,  where  he  continued  in  his  profession  till  his  death, 
except  when  connected  with  the  ormy.  As  a  physician 
he  was  not  on^y  skilful,  but  eminently  successful.  In 
March,  1746,  he  was  appointed  and  commissioned  as 
second  surgeon  in  a  body  of  troops  raised  in  Massachu- 
settS|  to  be  stationed  at  Annapolis  Royal.  In  February, 
1755,  he  was  appointed  Surgeon's  mate  in  Shirley's  regi- 
ment, but  soon  left  the  medical  staff,  and  was  appointed 
a  lieutenant  in  the  same  regiment  the  same  year.  In  the 
year  1759,  he  was  appointed  a  colonel,  and  re-appointed 
to  the  same  office  1760,  by  Governor  Pownall  of  the 
Massachusetts  government.  Whether  he  ever  served  in 
any  of  the  intermediate  grades  in  the  army  does  not  ap- 
pear ;  U  is  highly  probable  he  did.  It  appears  by  his 
petition  to  the  Governor  jand  Council  of  Massachusetts, 
that  he  commanded  his  regiment  part  of  both  these  years 
in  Nova  Scotia.  In  the  year  1760,  with  liis  regiment, 
he  joined  the  Anglo-American  army  at  Crown  Point, 
commanded  by  General  Amherst,  commander-in-chief  of 
nil  the  forces  in  North  America.  After  the  many  defeats 
of  the  British  and  American  arms,  in  the  first  years  of  the 
old  French  war,  under  the  successive  commands  o/ 
Braddock,  Shirley,  Johnson,  Lord  Laudon  and  Aber- 
prombie,  the  isnergetic  Pitt,  then  Prime  Minister  of  En- 


if 


rd,  in 
for  at 
lusetts 
iduca- 
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death, 
^siciaii 
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ncd  as 
isachu- 
t>ruary, 
's  regi- 
pointed 
In  the 
pointed 
of  the 
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Point, 
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of  the 
ds  o( 
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fEn- 


glondf  withdrew  them  all,  and  called  Colonel  Amherst 
from  the  army  in  Germany,  nnd  promoted  him  to  the 
command  in  North  America,  with  such  men  as  Wolf 
Moncton,  Townsend  and  Murray  under  him. 

This  year  completed  the  conquest  of  Canada,  and  in 
bis  well  arranged  plans  and  movements  against  Montre- 
al, where  the  whole  force  of  the  French  in  that  province 
was  assembled,  Colonel  Thomas  had  an  honorable  and 
important  command.  The  celebrated  Mojor  Rogers) 
who  conmianded  the  partizan  corps,  called  the  Rangers* 
published  a  journal  of  all  the  campaigns  of  that  war, 
which  was  printed  in  London  in  1765 ;  the  volume  is 
uow  rarely  to  be  found  aiid  should  be  reprinted.  The 
ibllowlng  is  from  his  journal.  <'  I  remained  at  Crown 
Point  with  my  people,  without  effecting  anything  consid- 
erable, more  than  small  parties  reconnoitering  the  coun. 
try  about  the  Fort,  while  every  thing  was  got  in  readi- 
ness for  embarking  the  army  on  the  I6th  of  August, 
£1760,]  which  was  done  accordingly,  having  one  brig, 
three' sloops,  and  four  rideaux,  which  latter  wore  occupi- 
ed hy  the  Royal  Train  of  Artillery,  commanded  by  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Ord. 

Our  march  was  as  follows,  viz :  six  hundred  Rangers 
imd  seventy  Indians,  as  an  advanced  guard  for  the  whole 
army,  all  in  a  line  abreast,  about  half  a  mile  ahead  of  the 
main  body,  followed  by  the  light  Infantry  and  Grena- 
diers in  two  boats  abreast  in  each  column,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Darby. 

The  right  wing  was  composed  of  Provincials,  com- 
manded by  Brigadier  Ruggles,  who  was  second  in  com- 

1* 


=  i 


n 


10 

mand  of  the  whole  army.  The  left  was  made  op  of  the- ' 
New  Hampshire  and  Boston  [Massachusetts]  troops,  com«' 
manded  by  Colonel  Thomas.  The  seventeenih  and 
twenty-seventh  regiments,  with  some  lew  of  the  royals 
Ihat  formed  the  centxe  column,  were  commanded  by  Major 
Campbell,  of  the  seventeenth  regiihent.  Colonel  Havi-' 
land  was  in  front  of  these  divisions,  between  that  and  the 
light  infantry  and  grenadiers.  The  royal  artillery  fol- 
lowed the  columns  and  was  commanded  Colonel  Ord, 
who  had  for  his  escort,  one  Rhode  Island  regiment  of 
Provincials.  The  suttlers,  &c.  followed  the  artillery. 
In  this  manner  we  rowed  down  the  Lake  [Champlain] 
forty  miles  the  first  day,  putting  ashore  where  there  was 
good  landing  on  the  west  side,  and  there  encamped.  The 
following  day  we  lay  by.  The  18th,  the  wind  blowing 
at  south,  orders  were  given  for  embarking,  and  the  same 
day  reached  a  place  on  the  west  shore,  within  ten  mites 
of  the  Isle  a  Mot,  where  the  army  encamped.  It  having 
blown  a  fresh  gale  most  of  the  day,  some  of  my  boats 
i^litopenby  the  force  of  the  waves,  and  ten  of  my  Rangers 
were  thereby  drowned.  The  Idth,  we  set  sail  early  in 
the  morning,  and  that  night  encamped  on  the  north  end 
of  the  Isle  a  Mot.  The  20th,  before  day,  tne  army  was 
under  way  with  intention  to  land ;  having  but  twenty 
miles  to  go,  and  having  a  fair  wind,  we  soon  came  in 
sight  of  the  French  fort/  and  about  ten  in  the  morning, 
Colonel  Darby,  with  the  grenadiers  and  light  infantry, 
and  myself  with  the  Rangers,  landed  on  the  east  shore, 
without  the  least  opposition,  *"*-  -^ 

Having  done  this,  an  officer  was  sent  to  acquaint 


11 


Colonel  HaviliEmd,  who,  withiChe  remainder  of  the  lirin^, 
was  at  the  place  where  we  landed)  that  there  was  not  the 
least  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  enemy.  The 
next  day  we  began  to  raise  batteries,  and  soon  after  threw 
some  shells  into  the  garrison.  About  the  24th,  a  propos- 
al was  made  for  taking  the  enemies  vessels,  three  of  which 
were  at  anchor  a  little  below  the  fort,  and  some  of  their 
rideaux  likewise.  It  was  introduced  by  Colonel  Darby, 
who  was  ordered  to  take  the  command  of  the  party  ap- 
pointed for  this  service,  which  consisted  of  two  compa- 
nies of  Regulars,  fouf  companies  of  my  Rangers,  with 
the  Indians:  '^"^'•'*'^^  ^^i^^  <-d'ifi'^$^i^^i  i:vj  i'^jr/  f^m  Mm 
'*'We  carried  with  us  two  howitzers  and  one  six  pound- 
er, and  silently  conveying  them  along  through  the  trees, 
brought  them  opposite  the  vessels,  and  began  a  brisk  fire 
upon  them,  before  they  were  the  least  apprised  of  our 
design,  and,  by  good  fortune  the  first  shot  from  the  mx 
pounder  cut  the  cable  of  the  great  rideaux,  and  the  wind, 
being  at  west,  blew  her  to  the  east  shore,  where  we  were, 
and  the  other  vessels  weighed  anchor  and  made  for  St 
Johns,  but  got  all  aground,  in  turning  a  point  about  two 
miles  below  the  fort.  I  was  by  Colonel  Darby,  ordered 
down  the  east  shore  with  my  Rangers,  and  crossed  a  riv- 
er about  thirty  yards  wide  which  falls  into  Lake  Cham- 
plain  from  the  east.  I  soon  got  opposite  the  vessels,  and 
by  firing  from  the  shore,  gave  an  opportunity  to  some  of 
my  party  to  swim  on  board  with  their  tomahawks,  and 
took  one  of  the  vessels ;  in  the  mean  time  Colonel  Dar- 
by had  got  on  board  the  rideaux,  and  had  her  manned, 
and  took  the  other  two  ]  of  which  success  he  immediately 


18 


i 


informed  Colonel  Haviland,  who  sent  down  a  sufficient^ 
number  of  men  to  take  charge  of,  and  man  the  vessels ; 
and  ordered  the  remainder  of  the  Rangers,  Light  Infant* 
ry  and  Grenadiers,  to  join  the  army  that  night,  which 
was  acoordiugly  done ;  and  about  midnight  the  night  fol-, 
lowing  the  French  troops  left  the  Island,  and  landed  safe 
on  the  main,  so  that  next  morning  nothing  of  them  was 
to  be  seen  but  a  few  sick,  and  Colonel  Haviland  took, 
possession  of  the  fort.  ^  -  i  ,  .^r      -  ^   ^,  ^  .r 

The  second  day  after  the  departure  of  Monsie^ir  Bon- 
ville  and  his  troops  from  the  Island,  Colonel  Haviland 
sent  me  with  my  Rangers  to  pursue  them  as  far  as  St. 
Johns'  Fort,  which  was  about  twenty  miles  further  down 
the  lake,  and  at  that  place  1  was  to  wait  the  arrival  of  the 
army,  but  by  no  means  to  follow  further  than  that  fort, 
nor  run  any  risk  of  advancing  further  towards  Montreal. 
I  went  in  boats,  and  about  day  light  got  to  St.  Johns,-  and 
found  it  set  on  fire.  I  pursued  and  took  two  prisoners, 
who  reported,  "  That  Monsieur  Bonville  was  to  encamp 
that  night  about  half  way  on  the  road  to  Montreal ;  and 
that  he  went  from  St.  Johns  about  nine  o'clock  the  night 
before ;  but  that  many  of  their  men  were  sick,  and  that 
they  thought  'some  of  the  troops  would  not  reach  the 
place  appointed  till  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,"  j^r «,.(., 

It  being  now  about  seven  in  the  morning,  I  set  all 
hands  to  work,  except  proper  guards,  to  fortify  the  log 
houses  that  stood  near  the  Lake  side,  in  order  that  part 
of  my  people  might  cover  the  batteaux,  while  I,  with  the 
remainder,  followed  Monsieur  Bonville,  and  about  eight 
o'clock  I  got  so  well  fortified,  that  I  ventured  nay  boats 


I 


:1 


13 


ficiept 
^ssels ', 
infant* 
which 
rhtfol-, 
edsafe 
n  was 
d  took 

r  Bon- 

iviland 
r  as  St. 
rdown 
I  of  the 
lat  fort, 
^ntreal. 
ns,-  and 
sojiers, 
incamp 
\ ;  and 
night 
d  that 
;h  the 

set  all 
ihe  log 
[at  part 
lith  the 
|t  eight 
boats 


and  baggage  under  the  care  of  200  Rangers,  and  took 
with  me  400  together  with  two  companies  of  Indians,  and 
followed  after  the  French  army,  which  consisted  of  about 
1500,  and  about  100  Indians  they  had  to  guard  them. 
I  was  resolved  to  make  his  dance  a  little  the  merrier,  and 
pursued  with  such  haste,  that  I  overtook  his  rear  guard  a- 
bout  two  miles  before  they  got  to  their  encamping  ground* 
I  immediately  attacked  them,  who  not  being  above  200» 
suddenly  broke,  and  then  stood  for  the  main  body,  which 
I  very  eagerly  pursued,  but  in  good  order,  expecting 
Monsieur  Bonville  would  have  made  a  stand,  which  how- 
ever he  4id  not  choose,  but  pushed  forward  to  get  to  the 
river,  where  they  were  to  encamp,  and  having  crossed  it 
pulled  up  the  bridge,  which  put  a  stop  to  my  march,  not 
judging  it  prudent  to  cross  at  a  disadvantage,  inasmuch  as 
the  enemy  had  a  good  breastwork  on  the  other  side,  of 
which  they  took  possession ;  in  the  pursuit,  however,  we 
considerably  lessened  their  number,  and  returned  in  safety. 
In  the  evening  Mr.  Haviland  came  in  sight,  and  land- 
ed at  St.  Johns.  As  soon  as  he  came  on  shore,  I  waited 
on  him  and  acquainted  him  with  what  I  had  done  ice.  and 
that  I  ji^ad  two  prisoners  for  him ;  he  said  it  was  very  well 
and  ordered  his  troops  to  encamp  there  that  night,  and 
next  day  went  down  to  the  river  Sorriel,  as  far  as  St. 
d'  Etrese,  where  he  encamped,  and  made  a  strong  breast- 
work to  defend  his  people  from  being  surpri^.  v  ttrv? 
I  was  sent  down  tbe  river  Sorriel,  to  bring  the  inhab- 
itants under  subjection  to  his  Britannic  Majesty,  and  went 
into  their  settled  country  in  the  night  and  took  all  the 
priests  and  militia  officers,  and  sent  some  of  them  for  the 


14 


H'* 


inhabitants.  The  first  day  I  caused  all  the  inhabitants 
near  Ghamblee  to  take  the  oaths  of  allegience,  &,c.f  who 
appeared  glad  to  have  it  in  their  power  to  take  the  oath 
and  keep  their  possessions^  and  were  all  extremely  sub- 
missive.   ^'"^'^  ti^'??  •:.'i/;.'t'  i-  ^**ifi»-h  md-^'imm  oihrji*tmri:hii-iM:  i 

Having  obliged  them  to  bring  in  tlieir  arms,  and  ful- 
filled my  instructions  in  the  best  manner  I  could,  I  joined 
Colonel  Darby  at  Ghamblee,  who  had  come  there  to 
take  the  fort  and  had  brought  with  him  some  light  can- 
non. It  soon  surrendered,  as  the  garrison  consisted 
only  of  about  fifty  men.  This  happened  on  the  first  of 
September. 

On  the  2d.,  our  army  having  nothing  to  do,  and  hav- 
ing good  intelligence  both  from  General  Amherst,  and 
General  Murray,  Mr.  Haviland  sent  me  to  join  the  latter, 
while  he  marched  with  the  rest  of  the  army  for  La  Pierm. 
The  6th,,  in  the  morning  I  got  to  Longville,  about  four 
miles  below  Montreal,  opposite  to  where  Brigadier  Mur- 
ray lay,  and  gave  him  notice  of  my  arrival,  but  not  till 
the  morning  of  the  6th.,  by  reason  of  my  arrival  so  late. 
By  the  time  I  came  to  Longville,  the  army,  under  the 
command  of  General  Amherst,  had  landed  about  two 
miles  from  the  town,  were  they  encamped  ;  and  early  in 
the  morning  Monsieur  de  Vaudrieul,  the  Governor  and 
Commander  in  Chief,  of  all  Canada,  sent  to  capitulate 
with  our  General,  which  put  a  stop  to  all  our  movements, 
till  the  8th  of  September,  when  the  articles  of  capitula- 
tion were  agreed  to  and  signed,  and  our  troops  took  pos- 
session of  the  town  gates  that  night.  Next  morning  the 
Light  Infantry  and  Grenadiers  of  the  whole  army, 


11^ 


under  command  of  Colonel  Haldiman,  with  a  company 
of  Royal  Artillery,  with  two  pieces  of  dannon,  and  some 
howitzers,  entered  the  town,  retaining  the  English  col- 
ors belonging  to  Pepperill's  and  Shirley's  regiments  which 
had  been  taken  by  the  French  at  Oswego.  Thus  at 
length,  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  campaign,  Montreal  and 
the  whole  country  of  Canada  was  given  up,  and  became 
subject  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain ;  a  conquest  per- 
haps of  the  greatest  importance  that  is  to  be  met  with  in 
the  British  annals,  whether  we  consider  the  prodigious 
extent  of  country  we  are  hereby  made  masters  of,  the 
vast  addition  it  must  make  to  trade  and  navigation,  or  the 
security  it  must  afford  to  the  northern  provinces  of  Amer- 
ica, particularly  those  flourishing  ones  of  New  England 
and  New  York,  the  irretrievable  loss  France  sustains 
thereby,  and  the  importance  it  must  give  the  British  crown 
among  the  several  states  of  Europe.  All  this,  I  say,  du- 
ly considered,  will  perhaps,  in  its  consequences  render 
the  year  1760  more  glorious  than  any  preceding.  And 
to  this  acquisition,  had  We  during  the  late  war;  either  by 
conquest  or  treaty,  added  the  fertile  and  extensive  coun- 
try of  Louisiana,  we  should  have  been  possessed  of  per- 
haps the  most  valuable  territory  upon  the  face  of  the 
globe,  attended  with  more  real  advantages  than  the  so 
much  boasted  mines  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  an^  would 
have  forever  deprived  the  French,  those  treacherous  ri- 
vals of  Britain's  glory  of  an  opportunity  of  acting  here- 
after the  same  perfidious  parts  they  have  already  so  often 
repeated.?! 


fr ) 


To  the  gallant  and  hardy  soldier,  Rogers  adds  the 


16 


Yeilections  of  the  Statesman.  On  the  12th  of  Septem- 
ber, Qeneial  Amherst,  by  a  written  order,  directed  Rog- 
ers to  take  two  hundred  men,  and  proceed  to  the  French 
forts  of  Detroit  and  Mkhilimackina  and  all  others  in 
that  direction,  receive  their  submission  and  take  posses- 
sion. In  pursuance  of  this  order,  Rogers  embarked  at 
Montreal  on  the  13th  of  September,  and  in  obedience 
to  his  orders  traversed  a  country  by  land  and  water, 
filled  with  hostile  Indians,  and  performed  this  service  to 
the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  commander.  On  his  re- 
turn, January  23d,  1761,  he  reached  the  Ohio  opposite 
Fort  Pitt,  from  whence  he  ordered  Lieutenant  Mc  Corm- 
ick  to  march  the  party  across  the  country  to  Albany  and 
came  himsislf  by  the  common  road  to  Philadelphia,  from 
thence  to  New  York,  where,  after  his  long,  fatiguing 
tour,  he  arrived  on  the  14th  of  February,  1761 ;  which 
ends  his  journey  and  journal.  He  was  engaged  in  this 
delicate  and  hazardous  enterprize  five  months  and  one 
day ;  the  whole  account  is  of  great  interest,  even  at  this 
day,  and  is  well  and  plainly  related.  ;  i  .*  «;7y"«  ^i'yj-  tvi 
i^The  campaign  of  1760  closed  the  military  career  of 
Colonel  Thomas,  as  connected  with  the  British  crown, 
and  many  distinguished  oflScers  of  that  war,  among 
whom  was  Major  Robert  Rogers.  Major  Rogers  was 
a  native  of  the  interior  of  New  Hampshire,  the  vicin- 
ity of  Concord,  and  was  the  right  arm  of  all  the  En- 
glish commanders  who  served  in  that  war,  obtain- 
ed their  entire  confidence,  and  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  was  placed  on  half  pay,  and  was  employed  in 
Canada,  partly  in  a  military,  and  partly  in  a  civil 


ir 


eptem- 
J  Bog- 
French 
tiers  in 
posses- 
rked  at 
edience 
[water, 
rvice  to 
his  re- 
opposite 
;c  Corm- 
any  and 
da,  from 
atiguing 
;  which 
in  this 
and  one 
In  at  this 

career  of 
crown, 
among 
lers  was 
le  vicin- 
Ihe  En- 
obtain- 
of  the 
jyed  in 
a  civil 


capacity,  but  soon  went  to  England  where  he  published 
his  journal,  of  which  the  British  reviewers  of  that  day, 
9ay,  "  Journals  of  Major  Robert  Rogers ;  containing  an 
account  of  the  several  excursions  he  made,  under  the 
Generals  who  commanded  on  the  continent  of  America, 
during  the  late  war,  from  which  may  be  collected  the 
most  material  circumstances  of  every  campaign  on  the 
continent,  from  the  commencement  to  the  conclusion  of 
the  war.    The  author  writes  like  an  honest,  sensible, 
and  modest  man ;  and  has  given,  throughout  his  whole 
account,  undoubted  proofs  that  he  is  a  brave  and  skilful 
officer.    He  headed  with  much  reputation,  the  provincial 
troops  called  Rangers,  during  the  whole  course  of  what 
were  called  the  French  wars  in  America."    >>' «  *    i*>^  ♦ 
^n  the  authority  of  General  Starke,  who  served  under 
him  during  the  whole  French  war,  <*  Rogers  was  a  man 
of  great  presence  of  mind,  intrepidity  and  perseverance 
in  the  accomplishment  of  his  plans ;  and  would  no  doubt 
have  acted  a  distinguished  part  in  the  Revolution,  had  he 
chosen  the  side  of  the  people.    He  was  a  man  six  feet  in 
height,  well  proportioned,  and  one  of  the  most  active 
and  athletic  men  of  his  time.    The  Indians  entertained 
a  great  dread  of  him,  and  with  very  good  reason."    He  re- 
turned to  this  country  in  1775,  and  visited  Cambridge 
and  Medford,  then  occupied  by  the  continental  troops. 
'^Yashington  refused  him  permission  to  enter  the  camp, 
but  Starke  and  others  of  his  old  companions  in  arms,  visit- 
ed him  at  his  Hotel  at  Medford.    He  afterwards  joined 
Sir  William  Howe  at  New  York,  by  whom  he  was 
appointed  a  colonel;  but  in  a  short  time  returned  to 


18 


.  I 


England  and  never  visited  this  country  again.    General 
Buggies,  was  a  distinguished  lawyer,  and  many  years  a 
leading  man  in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  but  be- 
fore the  Revolution  voted  and  acted  with  the  tories,  and 
left  the  country  when  Howe  left  Boston,  and  never  re- 
turned.    Both  Ruggles  and  Rogers,  joined  the  British  in 
the  contest  for  Independence,  and  took  au  active  part  a- 
gainst  their  native  country  and  in  favor  of  the  king  to 
whom  they  had  sworn  allegiance.     :,,;    ,„j,     ,jti.^ij2LM 
-,,  General  Amherst,  the  commander-in  chief  in  1760, 
moved  against  Montreal  with  an  army  of  all  arms,  10,868 
effective,  by  Oswego  over  Lake  Ontario,  and  down  the 
river  St.  Lawrence,  starting  from  Crown  Point.    Gen- 
eral Haviland  moved  from  the  same  place,  by  way  of 
Lake  Champlain,  as  related  by  Rogers,  with  whom  R^g- 
gles,  Thomas  and  Rogers  marched  with  a  force  of  3,500, 
while  General  Murray  led  an  army  from  Quebec  against 
the  same  place  amounting  to  4,400 ;  the  whole  three 
combined  amounted  to  18,748  effectives.    The  three 
armies  arrived  within  striking  distance  of  Montreal  with- 
in twenty  four  hours  of  each  other.   Governor  Vaudrieul 
at  first  determined  to  fight  Amherst,  but  on  ascertaining 
that  Murray  and  Haviland  had  arrived,  abandoned  his 
first  determination,  and  surrendered  the  city  and  Pro- 
vince on  honorable  terms  for  the  military,  and  favorable 
to  the  citizens.    General  Amherst's  military  character 
.must  be  generally  known  in  America,  but  the  origin  and 
progress  of  his  career,  which  led  to  the  rank  he  attained 
and  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held,  may  not  be  famil- 
iar to  the  American  reader.  ,    •„:     .  „  ,i*v,  ,    .    ■  ir-    .- 


He  was  the  son  of  Jeffery  Amherst,  a  distinguished 
Barrister  at  law  ;  and  in  1731,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  he 
entered  the  army  as  an  Ensign.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
four,  was  aid  to  Lord  Ligonier,  at  the  battles  of  Racoux, 
Dettengen  and  Fontenoy.  Subsequently  aid  to  the 
Duke  of  Cumberland,  and  with  him  at  the  battles  of 
Laffieldt  and  Hastenbeck.  In  1758,  made  Major  Gen- 
oral  and  commander  in  America  and  took  Louisburgh  and 
Crown  Point.  In  1760,  as  has  been  seen  took  Montreal 
in  which  he  discovered  the  prudent  and  consummate  Gen- 
eral. In  consideration  of  these  services,  was  created 
Knight  of  the  Bath,  and  made  Governor  of  Virginia.  In 
1763  he  returned  to  England.  In  1768,  for  a  short  time 
there  was  a  coldness  towards  him  on  the  part  of  the  King, 
and  he  dismissed  from  all  employment,  but  the  same 
year  he  was  restored  to  favor  and  received  redoubled 
honors.         ■'^"■'-    •  ' -^  ■   ■  -■    ■■  --  --  *  ^r-.  . 

In  a  few  succeeding  years  he  was  Lieutenant  General  of 
ordinance,  Governor  of  Guernsey,  Commander-in-chief, 
sworn  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  Baron  of  Holmsdale  in 
Kent,  and  last  Baron  of  Montreal.  In  1796,  he  was  re- 
moved from  command  to  make  room  for  the  TDuke  of 
York :  on  this  occasion,  an  Earldom  and  rank  of  Field 
Marshal  was  offered  him,  but  he  declined  them.    But  in 

1796,  he  received  the  Field  Marshal's  office,  and  died  in 

1797,  in  the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age,  having  served  his 
country  in  every  military  grade  more  than  sixty-six 
years,  and  received  the  highest  honors  that  the  country 
could  bestow  on  a  subject.  His  personal  qualities  were 
highly  estimable :  as  a  commander  he  was  a  firm  and 
rigid  disciplinarian,  but  ever  the  soldier's  friend  and  ready 


so 


f' 


to  hear  and  redress  the  complaints  of  those  under  him. 
The  honor  of  the  nation  whose  battles  he  fought,  seemed 
to  be  the  predominant  principle  of  his  military  career. 
Lord  Amherst  had  a  brother  who  attained  the  rank  of 
admiral  of  the  blue ;  and  a  brother  William,  who  served 
under  him  in  America,  who  attained  the  rank  of  Lieuten- 
ant General,  aid  de  camp  to  the  King,  and  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral to  his  Majesty's  forces.  A  pillar  was  erected  at 
Montreal  in  Kent,  to  commemmoratean  unexpected  meet- 
ing of  the  three  brothers  in  1764,  after  a  six  years  ab- 
sence, and  of  war,  in  which  the  three  were  successfully 
engaged  in  various  climes,  seasons  and  services. 

Lord  Amherst  lived  to  see  the  country  for  which  he 
had  fought,  arrayed  in  arms  against  his  king,  and  many 
who  had  served  under  him,  high  in  command,  and  com- 
pelling a  British  army  to  leave  Boston,  and  in  possession 
of  Montreal,  his  last  conquest  in  this  country.  It  was 
fortunate  for  America  that  he  was  not  ordered  to  com- 
mand against  her.  Under  such  a  leader  Col.  Thomas 
received  his  first  lessons  in  war,  and  profited  by  his 
teaching.  From  this  time  to  1776,  Col.  Thomas  con- 
tinued engaged  in  his  profession  at  Kingston,  where  the 
revolution  found  him,  in  the  enjoyment  of  domestic 
happiness,  professional  distinction,  and  well-earned  mili- 
tary &me.      '■•;■'•?':'■        ■.  •■-■:  '/•••'•■''.•:  .^.;.--i 

In  the  month  of  February,  the  Provipcial  Congress 
passed  the  following  resolution :  "  In  Provincial  Congress, 
Cambridge,  February  9th,  1775 :  Resolved,  That  the 
Hon.  Jedediah  Preble  Esq.,  Hon.  Artemas  Ward  Esq., 
Col.  Seth  Pomery,  Col.  John  Thomasj  and  Col.  William 


21 


ir  him. 
seemed 
career, 
rank  of 
served 
,ieuten> 
It  Gen- 
icted  at 
d  meet- 
jars  ab- 
BssfuUy 

hich  he 
i  many 
nd  com- 
ssession 

It  was 
to  com- 

'homas 

by  his 
[as  con- 

lere  the 

mestic 

mill- 

)ngress 

jngress, 

lat  the 

Esq.i 

lUiam 


Heath,  be,  and  hereby  aid  appointed  General  Officers." 
The  gallant  and  veteran  General  Preble,  of  Portland, 
father  of  the  distinguished  naval  commander,  Edward 
Preble,  declined  the  service.  It  is  believed  he  was 
induced  to  this  course  from  liis  advanced  age  ;  the  others 
ail  accepted.  The  accurate  biographer,  Dr.  John  Eliot, 
in  a  note  to  a  memoir  of  Gen.  Sullivan,  says  of  Gen. 
Thomas,  "  he  was  an  officer  who  had  acquired  reputa- 
tion in  the  French  War.  He  was  one  of  the  best  officers 
in  our  army  in  1775,  and  commanded  the  division 
nearest  the  British  lines  in  Roxbury.  A  more  brave, 
beloved  and  distinguished  character  did  not  go  into  the 
field,  nor  was  there  a  man  that  made  a  greater  sacrifice 
of  his  own  ease,  health  and  social  enjoyments."  Previous 
to  the  battle  of  Lexington,  the  Provincial  Congress 
created  the  office  of  Lieutenant  General,  and  appointed 
Thomas  to  the  office,  which  gave  liim  the  rank  of  Pome- 
roy.  After  the  battle  of  Lexington,  Ward  was  commander- 
in-chief,  and  had  his  headquarters  at  Cambridge,  while 
Thomas  commanded  on  the  Roxbury  side  as  Lieutenant 
General.  Soon  after  this,  the  Continental  Congress 
assumed  the  army  assembled  at  Cambridge,  as  the  army 
of  the  United  Colonies,  and  appointed  the  general  officers 
to  command  the  same.  Among  these,  after  Washington, 
were  four  Major  Generals,  eight  Brigadiers,  and  an 
Adjutant  General.  Ward  being  the  only  Major  General 
Massachusetts  was  entitled  to,  Thomas  should  have  been 
the  first  Brigadier  of  the  army,  and  is  so  called  in  his 
commission,  but  the  date  gave  Pomeroy  and  Heath  pre-, 

cedence.    This  difficulty,  with  others  of  a  similar  char- 

2* 


■  >H  IH 


Bcter,  and  the  result  of  them,  are  explained  by  Washing* 
ton,  in  an  extract  from  his  first  letter  to  Congress,  Jated 
Cambridpfe  camp,  July  10th,  1776.      u/(  •,{.  ^. .,  .tu  >«.:  >t 

"  I  am  very  sorry  to  observe,  that  the  appointment  of 
General  officers,  in  the  provinces  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  has  not  corresponded  with  the  wishes  or 
judgment  either  of  the  civil  or  military.  The  great 
dissatisfaction  expressed  on  this  subject,  and  the  apparent 
danger  of  throwing  the  whole  army  into  the  utmost  ^'Js- 
order,  together  with  the  strong  representations  m«;Vi  "  / 
the  Provincial  Congress,  have  induced  me  to  retain  the 
commissions  in  my  hands  until  the  pleasure  of  the 
Continental  Congress  should  be  further  known,  except 
General  Piitnam's,  which  was  given  him  the  day  I 
came  to  camp,  and  before  I  was  apprised  of  these  dis- 
gusts. 

In  such  a  step,  I  must  beg  the  Congress  will  do  me 
the  justice  to  believe,  that  I  have  been  actuated  solely 
by  a  regard  to  the  public  good.  I  have  not,  nor  could 
I  have,  any  private  attachments — every  gentleman  in 
the  appointment  was  a  stranger  to  me,  but  from  char- 
acter ;  I  must  therefore,  rely  upon  the  candor  and  indul- 
gence of  Congress,  for  their  most  favorable  construction 
of  my  conduct  in  this  particular.  General  Spencer's 
disgust  was  so  grt  t  at  General  Pu<r"  >i>  promc  "  i, 
that  he  left  without  visiting  me,  o:  :i.u,&mg  known  his 
intention  in  any  respect.  General  Pomeroy  had  also 
retired  before  my  arrival,  occasioned,  as  it  is  said,  by  some 
^is'^ppointment  from  the  Provincial  Congress.  General 
j^'hcn^j  is  much  esteemed^  and  most  earnestly  desires 


s    ■< 


rm\ 


23 


ihing- 
dated 

lent  of 
ts  and 
hes  or 
)  great 
)parent 
08t  '.lis- 
!«:'■,■;  ".  / 
ain  the 
of  the 
,  except 
5  (lay  I 
lesedU- 

Idome 
i  solely 
IT  could 
an  in 
char- 
indul- 
ruction 
encer's 
<  ':i, 
wnhis 
d  also 
y  some 
eneral 
desires 


to  continue  in  the  service  ;  and  as  far  as  my  op^rtunfties 
have  enabled  me  lu  judge,  1  must  join  the  general  opin- 
ion, that  he  is  an  able,  good  officer,  and  his  resignation 
would  be  a  public  loss.  The  postponement  of  him  to 
Pomeroy  and  Heath,  whom  he  has  coiamand^Ml,  would 
make  his  continuance  very  difficult,  and  probably  oper- 
ate on  his  mind  as  the  like  circumstances  did  on  that  of 
Spencer.»»       '    '  ""  .;--..-. 

Washington,  in  a  letter  to  General  Schuyler,  of  July 
28th,  says,  "  The  arrangement  of  general  officers  in 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  has  been  very  unpopular, 
indeed  I  may  say  injudicious.  It  is  returned  ro  Congress 
for  further  consideration,  and  has  much  retarded  my  plan 
of  discipline." 

Generals  Wooster  and  Spencer  were  both  senior  to 
Putnam  in  the  Connecticut  state  appointment,  and  by 
what  fatality  he  was  placed  over  them  by  the  Continen- 
tal Congress,  is  hardly  necessary  to  inquire  at  this  time 
and  in  this  place.  Wooster  and  Spencer,  probably,  were 
never  reconciled  to  their  degradation,  as  they  both  event- 
ually resigned  and  left  the  service. 

The  difficulty  in  Massachusetts,  in  the  appointn^nt 
of  general  officers,  was  entirely  healed.  General  Pome- 
roy did  not  return  to  the  army,  and  never  received  iiis 
commission,  and  the  Congress  passed  a  special  resolve, 
that  General  Tiiomas  should  have  precedence  of  all  the 
Brigadiers  in  the  army,  in  which  decision,  the  army  and 
the  public  fully  acquiesced. 

But  previous  to  the  decision  of  Congress,  Thomas  had 
wiitidrawn  from  his  comuiand  at  Roxbury,  concluding 


t 


pi'  ' 


nj 


illj 
111 


24 

that  he  could  not  in  honor  serve  in  an  army,  and  be 
commanded  by  those  whom  he  had  so  recently  com 
manded.  His  intentions  being  made  known,  efforts  from 
various  quarters,  to  retain  him  in  the  army,  were  made, 
which  have  no  parallel  in  the  military  annals  of  this 
country  or  Europe. 


Sir, 


'  House  of  Representatives,   Watertoicn,    uly  22<i,  1775. 


This  House  approving  of  your  services  in  the 
station  you  were  appointed  to  in  the  army  by  the 
Congress  of  this  Colony,  embrace  XhSr  opportunity  to 
express  their  sense  of  them,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
desire  your  continuance  with  the  army,  if  you  shall 
judge  you  can  do  it  without  impropriety,  till  the  final 
determination  of  the  Continental  Congress  shall  be 
known  with  regard  to  the  appointment  of  the  general 
officers.  We  assure  you  that  the  justice  of  this  House 
will  be  engaged  to  make  you  an  adequate  compensation 
for  your  services.  We  have  such  intelligence  as  affords 
us  confidence  to  suppose,  that  a  few  days  will  determine 
whether  any  such  provision  shall  be  made  for  you  as  is 
consistent  with  your  honor  to  accept,  and  shall  give 
encouragement  for  you  to  remain  in  the  service. 

By  order  of  the  House, 
JAMES  WARREN,  Speaker,'' 
General  Thomas." 

The  next  effort  to  prevent  General  Thomas  from  re- 
signing, was  made  by  General  Lee,  who  at  that  time,  as 


26 


and  be 
y  com 
rts  from 
e  made, 
of  this 


I   1775. 


!  in  the 

by  the 
mity  to 
time  to 
3U  shall 
the  final 
^hall    be 

general 
s  House 
lensation 
affords 

itermine 
as  is 

ill  give 


lArcr," 


rem  re- 
as 


a  military  gentleman,  was  considered  by  many  as  supe- 
rior to  Washington,  and  it  was  the  first  time  in  his  life 
he  ever  condescended  to  address  any  one  in  the  language 
of  entreaty. 


Sir, 


*«  Mi/  23rf,  1776. 


time 


It  is  with'the  greatest  concern  that  I  have  heard 
of  your  intention  to  quit  the  service  of  your  country  at  a 
crisis  when  men  of  merit  can  be  so  ill  spared.    You 
think  yourself  not  justly  dealt  with  in  the  appointments 
of  the  Continental  Congress.    I  am  quite  of  the  same 
opinion,  but  is  this  a  time  sir,  when  the  liberties  of  your 
country,  the  fate  of  posterity,  the  rights  of  mankind  are 
at  stake,  to  indulge  our  resentments  for  any  ill  treatment 
we  may  have  received  as  individuals  ?    I  have  myself, 
sir,  full  as  great,  perhaps  greater  reason  to  complain 
than  yourself.    I  have  passed  through  the  highest  ranksi 
in  some  of  the  most  respectable  services  in  Europe. 
According  then  to  modern  etiquette  notions  of  a  soldier's 
honor  and  delicacy,  I  ought  to  consider  at  least  the  pre- 
ferment given  to  General  Ward  over  me  as  the  highest 
indignity,  but  I  thought  it  my  duty  as  a  citizen  and 
asserter  of  liberty,  to  waive  every  consideration.     On 
this  principle,  although  a  Major  General  of  five  years 
standing,  and  not  a  native  of  America,  I  consented  to 
serve  under  General  Ward,  because  I  was  taught  to 
think  that  the  concession  would  be  grateful  to  his  coun- 
trymen, and  flatter  myself  that  the  concession  has  done 
me  credit  in  the  eye  of  the  world ;  and  can  you,  sir,  born 


26 


in  this  very  country,  which  a  banditti  of  ministerial 
assassins  are  now  attempting  utterly  to  destroy  with 
sword,  fire  and  famine,  abandon  the  defence  of  her, 
because  you  have  deen  personally  ill  used  ? 

For  God  Almighty's  sake,  for  the  sake  of  every  thing 
that  is  dear,  and  ought  to  be  dear  to  you,  for  the  sake  of 
your  country,  of  mankind,  and,  let  me  add  of  your  own 
reputation,  discard  such  sentiments.  Consider  well  the 
dreadful  consequence  such  a  pernicious  example  may 
occasion  ;  consider  well  whether  such  a  proceeding  may 
not  bring  down  upon  your  head  the  contempt  and 
abhorrence  of  that  community  which  has  hitherto  most 
justly  held  you  in  the  highest  estimation.  '      i  ' 

1  beg  you  will  excuse  the  liberty  I  take  in  thus  ad- 
dressing you  ;  and  ascribe  it  to  the  true  motive — a  zeal 
for  the  public  good,  and  the  great  regard  I  have  for  your 
personal  self,  and  that  you  will  believe  me  to  be  most 
sincerely  yours,    s  :  '^  ■  •  ■  <*  • 

CHARLES  LEE." 

General  Thomas." 


The  next  effort  made  to  retain  General  Thomas  in 
the  army,  was  by  our  own  Washington,  and  he  never 
made  a  greater. 

Cambridge  July  23rf,  1775. 
Sir, 

Th6  retirement  of  a  general  officer,  possessing 
the  confidence  of  his  country  and  the  array,  at  so  critical 
a  period,  appears  to  me  to  be  big  with  fatal  consequences, 
both  to  the  public  cause  and  his  own  reputation.    Whil® 


27 


ministerial 
stroy  with 
ice  of  her, 

3very  thing 
the  sake  of 
f  your  own 
sr  well  the 
imple  may 
jeding  may 
tempt  and 
herto  most 

I  thus  ad- 
ve — a  zeal 
I'e  for  your 
:o  be  most 


LEE." 


lomas  m 
|he  never 

1775. 

)ssessing 
critical 

luences, 
While 


it  is  unexecuted,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  make  this  last 
effort  to  prevent  it ;  and  after  suggesting  those  reasons 
which  occur  to  me  against  your  resignation,  your  own 
virtue  and  good  sense  must  decide  upon  it.  In  the 
usual  contests  of  empire  and  ambition,  the  conscience  of 
the  soldier  has  so  little  share,  that  he  may  very  properly 
insist  upon  his  claims  of  rank,  and  extend  his  preten- 
sions even  to  punctilio:  but  in  such  a  cause  as  this, 
where  the  object  is  neither  glory,  nor  extent  of  territory, 
but  a  defence  of  all  that  is  dear  and  valuable  in  life, 
surely  every  post  ought  to  be  deemed  honorable  in 
which  a  man  can  serve  his  country.  What  matter  of 
triumph  will  it  afford  our  enemies,  that  in  less  than  one 
month,  a  spirit  of  discord  should  show  itself  in  the  high- 
est ranks  of  the  army,  not  to  be  extinguished  by  any 
thing  less  than  a  total  desertion  of  duty  ?  How  little 
reason  shall  we  have  to  boast  of  American  union,  of 
patriotism,  if  at  such  a  time,  and  in  such  a  cause,  smaller 
and  partial  considerations  cannot  give  way  to  the  great 
and  general  interest?  These  remarks  not  only  affect 
you  as  a  member  of  the  great  American  body,  but  as  an 
inhabitant  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  your  own  province, 
^nd  the  other  colonies  have  a  peculiar  and  unquestion- 
able claim  to  your  services ;  and  in  my  opinion  you  can- 
not refuse  them,  without  relinquishing  in  some  degree 
that  character  for  public  virtue  and  honor  which  you 
have  hitherto  supported. 

If  our  cause  is  just,  it  should  be  supported ;  but  where 
shall  it  find  support,  if  gentlemen  of  merit  and  experi- 
ence, unable  to  conquer  the  prejudices  of  a  competition, 


■i 


,  1 


f 
f 

■  i 

:  i 


28 

withdraw  themselves  in  an  hour  of  danger ;  I  admiti 
sir,  that  your  claims  and  services  have  not  had  due 
respect — it  is  by  no  means  a  singular  case ;  worthy  men 
of  all  nations  and  countries  have  had  reason  to  make 
the  same  complaint ;  but  they  did  not  for  this  abandon 
the  public  cause — they  nobly  stifled  the  dictates  of 
resentment,  and  made  their  enemies  ashamed  of  their 
injustice.  And  can  America  show  no  such  instances  of 
magnanimity?  For  the  sake  of  your  bleeding  country, 
your  devoted  province,  your  charter  rights,  and  by  the 
memory  of  those  brave  men  who  have  already  fell  in 
this  great  cause,  I  conjure  you  to  banish  from  your  mind 
every  suggestion  of  anger  and  disappointment;  your 
country  will  do  ample  justice  to  your  merits;  they 
already  do  it,  by  the  sorrow  and  regret  expressed  on  the 
occasion,  and  the  sacriflce  you  are  called  upon  to  make, 
will,  in  the  judgment  of  every  good  man,  and  lover  of 
his  country,  do  you  more  real  honor  than  the  most  dis- 
tinguished victory. 

You  possess  the  coniidence  and  affection  of  the  troops 
of  this  province  particularly ;  many  of  them  are  not 
capable  of  judging  the  propriety  and  reasons  of  your 
conduct ;  should  they  esteem  themselves  authorized  by 
your  example  to  leave  the  service,  the  consequences  may 
be  fatal  and  irretrievable.  There  is  reason  to  fear  it, 
from  the  personal  attachments  of  the  men  to  their 
officers,  and  the  obligations  that  are  supposed  to  arise 
from  those  attachments.  But,  sir,  the  other  colonies 
have  also  their  claims  upon  you,  not  only  as  a  native  of 
America,  but  an  inhabitant  of  this  province.    They  have 


29 


I  admit, 

had  due 
)rthy  men 
i  to  make 

abandon 
lictates  of 
d  of  their 
istances  of 
r  country, 
nd  by  the 
dyfell  in 
foui  mind 
mt;  your 
fits;  they 
sed  on  the 
a  to  make, 
i  lover  of 

most  dis- 

the  troops 
are  not 
i  of  your 
)rized  by 
iuces  may 
;o  fear  it, 
to  their 
to  arise 
colonies 
native  of 
ley  have 


■'S 


made  common  cause  with  it,  they  have  sacrificed  their 
trade,  loaded  themselves  with  taxes,  and  are  ready  to 
spill  their  blood  in  vindication  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
while  all  the  security  and  profit  of  a  neutrality  has  been 
offered  them.  But  no  arts  or  temptations  could  seduce 
them  from  your  side,  and  leave  you  a  prey  to  a  cruel 
and  perfidious  ministry.  Sure  these  reflections  must 
have  some  weight,  with  a  mind  as  generous  and  consid- 
erate as  yours.  How  will  you  be  able  to  answer  it  to 
your  country  and  your  own  conscience,  if  the  step  you 
are  about  to  take  should  lead  to  a  dissolution  of  the 
army,  or  the  loss  and  ruin  of  America  be  ascribed  to 
measures  which  your  councils  and  conduct  could  have 
prevented?  Before  it  is  too  late,  I  entreat,  sir,  you 
would  weigh  well  the  greatness  of  the  stake,  and  upon 
how  much  smaller  circumstances  the  fate  of  empires  has 
depended. 

Of  your  own  honor  and  reputation  yea  are  the  best 
and  only  judge ;  but  allow  me  to  say,  that  a  people  con- 
tending for  life  and  liberty,  are  seldom  disposed  to  look 
with  a  favorable  eye  upon  either  men  or  measures  whose 
passions,  interests,  or  ccmsequences  will  clash  with  those 
inestimable  objectis.  As  to  myself,  sir,  be  assured,  that  I 
shall  with  pleasure,  do  all  in  my  power  to  make  your 
situation  both  easy  and  honorable,  and  that  the  senti- 
ments here  expressed  flow  from  a  clear  opinion  that  your 
duty  to  your  country,  your  posterity,  and  yourself,  most 
explicitly  require  your  continuance  in  the  service. 

*  The  order  and  rank  of  the  commissions  is  under  the 
consideration  of  the  Continental  Congress,  whose  deter- 


I 

I 


H 


L  4 


30 

mination  Will  be  received  in  a  few  days.  It  may  afgue 
a  want  of  respect  to  that  august  body  not  to  wait  the 
decision ;  but  at  all  events,  I  shall  flatter  myself  that 
these  reasons  with  others  which  your  own  good  judg- 
ment will  suggest,  will  strengthen  your  mind  against 
those  impressions  which  are  incident  to  humanity,  and 
laudable  to  a  certain  degree ;  and  that  the  result  will 
be,  your  resolution  to  assist  your  country  in  this  day  of 
her  distress.  That  you  may  reap  the  full  reward  of 
honor  and  public  esteem  which  such  a  conduct  deserves 
is  the  sincere  wish  of  ^  :  -   . 

»   ■..■-■     ■      Sir, 

Your  very 
Obed.  and  most  humble  Servant, 
GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 
General  John  TnoMASr" 


••> — :  c! 


I  ^ 


"Thb  Addrkss  op  the  PrET4W  Officers  op  the  several 

BEOIMENTS    BELONGING  TO   THE    CAMP    IN   RoXBURY. 

To  the  Honorable  John  Thomas,  Esq. 
Sir, 

Your  appointment  as  Lieut.  General  by  the  Pro^ 
vinciil  Congress,  in  consequence  of  which  you  took  the 
supreme  command  in  this  camp,  gave  singular  satisfac- 
tion ta  all  acquainted  with  your  character,  both  on 
account  of  your  inflexible  attachment  to  the  liberties  of 
your  country,  and  your  knowledge  and  experience  in 
military  movements ;  and  to  your  vigilance,  prudence, 
and  skilful  management  is  to  be  ascribed  in  a  great 
measure,  that  order  and  regularity  for  which  this  camp 


31 


&y  ai'gue 
wait  the 
'self  that 
od  judg- 
[  against 
lity,  and 
suit  will 
lis  day  of 
eward  of 
;  deserves 


vant, 
TON." 


SEVERAL 
bCBURY. 


r  the  Pro- 
i  took  the 
r  satisfac- 

both  on 
iberties  of 
whence  in 

)radence, 
a  great 

his  camp 


has  been  celebrated,  and  which  are  essentially  requisite 
to  the  very  being  of  an  army.  To  these  important 
services  you  have  the  purest  incense  to  a  great  and  good 
mind,  the  unfeigned  thanks  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  un- 
der your  immediate  command,  as  well  as  of  every  friend 
to  his  country,  and  the  rights  of  mankind.  We  are  pen- 
etrated with  the  deepest  concern,  that  by  an  unfortunate 
concurrence  of  events,  an  arrangement  is  made,  which 
leads  you  to  think,  that  you  cannot  continue  in  the  army, 
consistent  with  those  delicate  and  refined  sentiments  of 
honor  which  are  peculiarly  and  fitly  characteristic  of 
the  soldier.  We  would  not  solicit  you  to  do  any  thing 
derogatory  to  your  reputation,  or  the  rank  you  have  for- 
merly sustained  ;  but  as  no  man  has  so  much  endeared 
himself  to  the  regiments  which  compose  your  brigade, 
as  yourself,  we  earnestly  request,  that  you  would  assume 
the  command  of  it : — that  vast  dignity  and  consequence 
of  the  cause,  we  are  contending  for,  may  be  more  than 
a  counterpoise  to  other  considerations,  of  what  nature 
soever,  that  your  country  may  still  be  advantaged  by 
your  abilities ;  and  though  mistakes  are  entailed  to 
humanity,  we  doubt  not  the  gratitude  and  justice  of 
your  countrymen,  will  reward  you  in  some  degree 
adequate  to  your  merit.  After  all  we  submit  the  matter 
to  your  Honor's  decision,  asssuring  you  that  although 
we  shall  part  with  you  with  regret,  yet  we  will  demean 
ourselves  as  becomes  the  soldier. 

In  behalf  of  the  within  mentioned  officers. 
THEO.  COTTON,  President:' 
Roxhury,  July  25th,  1776." 


'I 


■  t 


( 


32 

The  above  resolves,  letters  and  addresses,  had  the 
desired  effect,  as  might  well  be  supposed,  to  retain  Gen. 
Thomas  in  the  army  and  prevent  his  resignation  till  the 
determination  of  the  Continental  Congress  was  known. 
The  result  was  as  we  have  seen  a  restoration  to  rank 
and  command.  In  the  battle  of  Bunker's  or  Breed's 
Hill,  on  the  17th  of  June,  Thomas  took  no  direct  part, 
although  his  post  at  Roxbury,  on  the  south  of  Boston, 
was  cannonaded  during  the  whole  day  of  the  battle ; 
and  the  original  'plan  of  the  British  was  to  approach  his 
command,  and  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights. 

For  on  the  augmentation  of  his  forces  in  May,  1776, 
General  Gage  determined  to  occupy  the  heights  of  Dor- 
chester to  the  south,  and  those  of  Charlestown  to  the 
north  of  the  town ;  the  occupation  of  these  was  not 
only  necessary  to  the  extension  of  his  quarters,  but 
indispensable  to  his  holding  them.  It  was  therefore 
determined  in  the  first  instance  to  seize  on  Dorchester 
Heights,  as  they  were  the  most  commanding,  and  of 
easiest  access  to  the  Provincials.  Agreeably  to  the  plan 
concerted,  Howe  was  to  have  landed  at  the  point  of  the 
peninsula  nearest  the  castle ;  Clinton  on  the  flat,  between 
that  place  and  Nook's  Hill,  whilst  Burgoyne  was  to  take 
post  on  the  neck,  and  keep  up  a  heavy  cannonade  on 
the  camp  at  Roxbury,  commanded  by  Thomas.  From 
the  strength,  disposition  and  equipments  of  those  corps, 
no  effectual  opposition  could  have  been  made  to  this 
operation  of  the  royal  army,  and  a  few  days  more  would 
have  put  it  in  possession  of  Bunker's  Hill. 

The  arrangements  of  General  Gage,  preparatory  to 


■  I 


33 

these  meditated  operations,  necessarily  attracted  the 
altention  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  and  being  com- 
municated to  the  Provincial  Congress,  they  became 
jealous  of  some  hostile  movement,  without  being  able  to 
penetrate  the  object  of  it.  They  recommended  to  the 
council  of  war  the  fortification  of  Dorchester  Heights 
and  Bunker's  Hill.  The  resolution  of  the  council  of 
war  being  taken,  Colonel  William  Prescott,  the  hero  of 
Bunker's  Hill,  was  ordered  to  take  possession  of  that 
height,  which  brought'On  the  battle  of  the  17th  of  June, 
and  prevented  their  taking  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  which  left  that  point  open,  and  which  Thomas 
afterward  occupied  with  the  happiest  effect.  : 

June  17th.,  1776,  will  always  remain  the  proudest 
day  in  the  annals  of  the  arduous  contest  for  Independ- 
ence, and  Prescott  and  his  companions  in  arms  will 
always  stand  first.  Warren,  who  fell  nobly  supporting 
the  action,  but  as  a  volunteer  and  without  command,  was 
the  favorite  of  the  day,  and  for  years  engrossed  the  fame 
due  to  Prescott.  But  being  really  a  great  man,  if  alive, 
would  disdain  to  wear  laurels  not  his  own.  Warren's 
descendants  well  know  their  ancestor  was  not  dependant 
on  borrowed  honors.  "  Prescott  was  the  hero  of  that 
blood  dyed  summit — the  midnight  leader  and  guard,  the 
morning  sentinel,  the  orator  of  the  opening  strife,  the 
cool  and  deliberate  overseer  of  the  whole  struggle,  the 
well-skilled  marksman  of  the  exact  distance  at  which  a 
shot  was  certain  death ;  he  was  the  venerable  chief  in 
whose  bright  eye  and  steady  nerve  all  read  their  duty ; 
and  when  conduct,  skill  and  courage  could  do  no  more) 


J 


34 


■'  i 


he  was  tho  merciful  deliverer  of  the  remnant.  Prescott 
was  the  hero  ot  the  day,  and  whenever  the  tale  is  told, 
let  him  be  its  chieftain."* 

From  Bunker  Hill  battle  to  March,  1776,  General 
Thomas  commanded  the  most  exposed  camp  of  the 
beseiging  army,  at  Roxbury,  and  by  constant  vigilance 
preserved  it  from  injury  or  insult.  It  having  been  de- 
termined to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights, 
which  would  bring  on  action  or  produce  the  evacuation 
of  Boston  by  the  British  army ;  on  MondDv  the  4th  of 
March,  in  the  evening,  these  heights  were  trttfen  posses- 
sion of  by  General  Thomas  with  about  twenty-five  hun- 
dred men,  and  between  three  and  four  hundred  carts 
with  entrenching  tools,  and  a  train  of  carts  with  facines 
and  screwed  hay. 

The  whole  moved  in  solemn  silence,  and  with  per- 
fect order  and  regularity,  while  a  continued  roar  of 
artillery  from  our  lines  served  to  engage  the  attention 
and  divert  the  enemy  from  the  main  object.  The 
amount  of  labor  performed  during  the  night,  by  this 
party,  considering  the  earth  was  frozen  eighteen  inches 
deep,  was  almost  incredible. 

On  the  morning  of  the  5th,  the  British  saw'at  once, 
there  was  no  time  to  deliberate,  Thomas  must  be  remov- 
ed or  Boston  evacuated.  The  former  was  immediately 
determined  on,  and  a  tremendous  cannonade  was  com- 
menced on  our  works  from  the  forts  in  Boston,  and  the 
shippitig  in  the  harbor.    During  the  forenoon  an  attack 


•Rev.  Mr.  EUis. 


■\l 


35 

was  hourly  expected ;  and  nothing  less  thau  the  car- 
nitge  of  Breed's  Hill  anticipated. 

During  this  time  Thomas  was  reinforced  with  2,000 
troops,  and  the  Commander-in-chief  arrived  and  animat- 
ed and  encouraged  the  soldiers,  hy  reminding  them  that 
it  was  the  fifth  of  March,  the  day  of  the  Boston  massacre 
which  he  recalled  to  their  remembrance  as  a  day  never 
to  be  forgotten ;  and  in  his  own  words,  "  An  engagement 
was  fully  expected,  and  I  never  saw  spirits  higher,  or 
more  ardor  prevailing."  Our  breast  works  were  strength- 
ened, and  among  the  means  of  defence  were  a  great  num- 
ber of  barrels  filled  with  stones  and  sand,  arranged  in 
front  of  our  works,*  which  were  to  be  put  in  motion  and 
made  to  roll  down  the  hill,  to  break  the  ranks  and  legs 
of  the  assailants  as  they  advanced. 

The  anxious  day  passed  without  an  attack,  and  a 
most  violent  storm  the  next  day  obliged  General  Howe 
to  abandon  the  enterprize.  On  the  7th.,  there  were  in- 
dications that  the  British  in  Boston  were  preparing  to 
evacuate  the  town,  and  on  the  8th.,  they  sent  a  flag  of 
truce  with  the  following  paper,  signed  by  the  selectmen 
of  the  town.  ,  / 


"  As  his  Excellency,  General  Howe,  is  determined 
to  leave  the  town  with  the  troops  under  his  command,  a 
number  of  respectable  inhabitants  being  very  anxious  for 
its  preservation  and  safety,  have  applied  to  General  Rob- 
inson, who  at  their  request  has  communicated  the  same 
to  General  Howe,  who  has  assured  him  that  he  has  no 
intention  of  distressing  the  town,  unless  the  troops  under 


1 


p  i 


36 

his  command  are  molested  during  their  embarkation,  or 
at  their  departure  by  any  armed  force  without,  which  de^ 
claration  he  gave  General  Robinson  leave  to  communi- 
cate to  the  inhabitants. 

If  such  an  opposition  should  take  place,  we  have  the 
greatest  reason  to  expect  that  the  town  will  be  exposed  to 
entire  destruction.  As  our  fears  are  quieted  with  regard 
to  General  Howe's  intentions,  we  beg  that  we  may  have 
assurances  that  so  dreadful  a  calamity  may  not  be  brought 
on  by  any  measure  without.  As  a  testimony  of  the  truth 
of  the  above,  we  have  signed  our  names  to  this  paper ; 
carried  out  by  Messrs  Thomas  and  Jonathan  Amory, 
and  Peter  Johonnet,  who  have  the  earnest  entreaty  of  the 
inhabitants,  through  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  who  soli- 
cited a  flag  of  truce  for  this  purpose. 

JOHN  SCALLY, 
TIMOTHY  MARSHALL, 
TI.MOTHY  NEWALL, 
SAMUEL  AUSTIN. 

Boston f  March  Bth.j  1776. 

Washington  gave  no  answer  to  this  informal  commu- 
nication of  Howe's,  or  any  assurance  that  the  wishes  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Boston  would  be  gratified,  but  acted  in 
conformity  to  both,  by  letting  Howe  depart  unmolested. 
General  Thomas'  own  account  of  the  transaction,  in  a 
letter  to  his  wife,  will  be  more  acceptable  to  the  reader, 
than  anything  that  can  be  said  by  another. 


■i 


37 


Dear  Mrs.  Thomas, 

We  have  for  some  time  been  preparing  to  take 
possession  of  Dorchester  Point,  and  last  Monday  night) 
about  seven  o^clock,  I  marched  with  about  three  thou- 
sand picked  men,  beside  three  hundred  and  sixty  ox  teams 
and  some  pieces  of  artillery.  Two  companies  of  the 
train  of  teams  were  laden  with  materials  for  our  works. 
About  eight  o'clock  we  ascended  the  high  hills,  and  by 
day  light  got  two  hills  defensible. 

About  sun  rise,  the  enemy  and  others  in  Boston,  ap- 
peared on  the  tops  of  the  houses  and  on  the  wharfis  view- 
ing us  with  astonishment,  for  our  appearance  was  unex- 
pected to  them.  The  connonading  which  had  been  kept 
up  all  night  from  our  lines  at  Lamb's  Dam,  and  from  the 
enemy's  lines  likewise,  at  Lechmere's  Point,  now  ceased 
from  these  quarters,  and  the  enemy  turned  their  fire  to- 
wards us  on  the  hills,  but  they  soon  found  it  was  to  little  < 
effect. 

About  ten  o'clock  we  discovered  large  bodies  of  troops 
embarking  in  boats  with  their  artillery,  which  made  a 
formidable  appearance.  After  some  time  they  were  put 
on  board  transports,  and  several  of  the  ships  came  down 
near  to  the  castle,  as  we  supposed,  with  a  design  to  land 
on  our  shore. 

Our  people  appeared  in  spirits  to  receive  them.  We 
were  in  a  good  posture  of  defence,  and  had  two  thousand 
men  added  to  our  number.  The  ei^emy  viewed  us  criti- 
cally, and  remained  in  that  situation  that  night.  The 
next  day  they  came  to  sail,  and  returned  to  town  and 
Iftttded  their  troops.    On  Friday,  about  two  o'clock,  P.  M. 


!i 


38 

they  sent  a  flag  of  truce  with  a  papejr,  a  copy  of  which 
I  enclose.  v .« 

I  have  had  very  little  sleep  or  rest  this  w«jek,  being 
closely  employed  night  and  day.  But  now  I  think  we  aid 
well  secured.  I  write  in  haste,  thinking  you  may  be  anx- 
ious to  hear,  as  there  is  much  firing  this  way.  We  lost  but 
two  men  killed  in  all  this  aflair.  How  things  are  in  Bos. 
ton,  or  what  loss  they  have  sustained  from  our  shots  and 
shells,  at  present  we  are  not  informed,  but  I  am  sensible 
we  distressed  them  much,  from  appearances.  I  have 
wrote  you  enclosed  by  the  same  hand,  and  am  in  haste. 

JOHN  THOMAS. 

Dorchester  Hills,  in  a  small  hut,  March  9,'  1776. 
Your  son  John  is  well  and  in  high  spirits.    He 
ran  away  from  Oakley  privately,  on  Tuesday  morning, 
and  got  by  the  sentries  and  came  to  me  on  Dorchester 
Hills,  where  he  has  been  most  of  the  time  since." 


out 


!  ' 


Mrs.  Thomas'  disobedient  son  John,  had  been  left  by 
his  father,  on  Monday  evenings  when  he  marched  for 
Dorchester  Heights,  in  the  care  of  his  colored  servant 
Oakley,  who,  no  doubt,  was  instructed  to  keep  him  from 
mischief  and  danger,  he  being  but  ten  years  old.  On 
Tuesday  morning  he  found  every  thing  in  motion,  and 
battle  expected,  where  his  father  was  to  act  a  conspicuous 
part,  considered  it  dishonorable  to  remain  in  retirement, 
hazarded  his  father's  displeasure  and  sought  the  post  of 
danger.  Years  had  passed,  young  as  he  was,  since  he  had 
heard  his  parents  and  neighbors  express  their  indignation 
at  every  kind  of  oppression,  whether  civil  or  religious* 


,-nac».  .7TTr»<'iftir.si«-i'  ««-■■«-..— ym.- ■-,^.^--.-- 


39 


of  which 

tick,  being 
nk  we  are 
ly  be  anx- 
""e  lost  but 
ire  in  Bos. 
shots  and 
I  sensible 
I  have 
in  haste. 
DMAS. 
1776.      ! 
rits.    He 
morning, 
orchester 

n  left  by 
ched  for 
servant 
lim  from 
d.  On 
ion,  and 
picuoiis 
irement, 
3  post  of 
i  he  had 
gnation 
iligious* 


He  ttiight  not  have  thought  favorably  of  religious  wor- 
ship dictated  by  act  of  parliament,  or  of  taxation  without 
representation ;  he  might  have  been  so  heretical  as  to 
have  believed  "  that  there  might  be  a  government  with- 
out a  king,  and  a  church  without  a  bishop." 

Whatever  John's  train  of  thinking  was  at  the  time 
which  induced  action,  he  made  his  appearance  on  Dor- 
chester Heights,  and  it  is  hardly  worth  the  conjecture  in 
what  manner  he  was  received  by  a  gallant  and  affection- 
ate parent.    John  can  now  say  more  perhaps  than  any 
other  man,  that  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  in  expectation 
of  close  ^and  stubborn  action,  "  I  stood  fearless,  by  the 
side  of  George  Washington  and  John  Thomas."    Of  all 
Washington's  military  plans,  none  were  better  formed,  or 
more  skilfully  executed  than  that  of  occupying  Dorches- 
ter Heights,  which  drove  the  British  from  Boston.     The 
selection  of  the  officer  and  troops  to  carry  it  into  effect 
were  thebest  possible ;  and  nothing  however  minute,  was 
omitted  to  secure  complete  success.    Washington  had 
been  eight  months  in  command,  and  no  successful  or 
brilliant  operation  had  taken  place  under  his  immediate 
superintendence.    People  began  to  complain  audibly, 
that  he  was  not  so  desirous  to  take  Boston  as  to  prolong  his 
command.    They  then  did  not  know  that  he  had  fre- 
quently laid  plans  before  his  military  council,  to  drive 
the  British  from  that  town,  which  were  rejected  on  ac- 
count of  the  too  great  hazard  supposed  to  attend  them. 
This  was  the  first  of  his  plans  which  was  adopted.    The 
first  part  of  it,  was  to  compe^Tetreat  before  the  works  at 
Dorc^hester ;  the  second,  to  enter  the  town  of  Boston  by 


40 

another  body  of  troops,  while  the  first  part  was  in  execu* 
tion.  In  a  letter  to  Colonel  Joseph  Reed,  afterwards 
President  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  he  says,  "  The 
four  thousand  men  destined  to  take  possession  of  Boston  on 
the  5th,  if  the  ministerialists  had  attempted  our  works  at 
Dorchester  Heights,  or  the  lines  at  Roxbury,  was  to  have 
been  headed  by  General  Putnam.  But  he  would  have 
had  an  easy  time  of  it,  as  his  motions  were  to  have  been 
regulated  by  signals,  and  those  signals  by  appearances. 
He  was  not  to  have  made  the  attempt,  unless  the  town 
had  been  drained,  or  very  considerably  weakened  of  its 
forces."  .       .         ; 

Congress  were  now  looking  for  an  officer  to  command 
the  troops  led  into  Canada  by  Montgomery  and  Arnold, 
and  having  been  cautioned  by  Washington  not  to  appoint 
General  Putnam,  for  that  service,  they  on  the  6th  of 
March,  promoted  General  Thomas  to  the  rank  of  Major 
General,  and  sent  him  to  command  in  Canada.  A  letter 
from  John  Adams,  then  a  member  of  Congress  at  Phila- 
delphia, of  March  7th.,  to  General  Thomas,  gives  so 
correct  a  view  of  American  affairs  at  that  time,  in  that 
quarter,  that  it  is  here  inserted. 

.,  "Dear  Sir, 

,^,;  .._  The  Congress  have  determined  to  send  you  to 
Canada.  They  have  advanced  you  one  step  by  making 
you  a  Major  General,  and  have  made  a  handsome  estab- 
lishment for  a  table.  Your  friends,  the  delegates  from 
your  native  province,  wer^much  embarrassed,  between 
a  desire  to  have  you  promoted  and  placed  in  so  honor- 


'i 


■iL? 


41 


\  in  execu-* 
afterwards 
lys,  "  The 
:  Boston  on 
ir  works  at 
ras  to  have 
rould  have 
have  been 
tpearances. 
3  the  town 
ened  of  its 

command 
ad  Arnold, 
to  appoint 
I  the  6th  of 
k  of  Major 
A  letter 
s  at  Phila- 
gives  so 
,  iitttHfiit 


^d  you  to 

making 

fme  estab- 

ites  from 

between 

honor- 


able a  command  on  the  one  hand,  and  a  reluctance  at 
losing  your  services  at  Roxbury  and  Cambridge  on  the 
other.  But  all  agreed  that  you  ought  to  be  placed  where 
you  could  do  the  most  service,  and  Canada  was  thought 
by  all  to  be  very  important,  and  by  some  the  most  im- 
portant post  in  America.  You  will  have  excellent 
advice  and  assistance  in  the  committee  we  are  sending, 
Franklin,  Chase  and  Carrol. 

Walker,  price  and  Bendfield,will  be  in  Canada  too,  as 
soon  as  you.     Generals  Wooster  and  Arnold  will  give 
you  the  best  information.     The  department  to  which 
you  are  destined  has  been  in  great  confusion,  and  every 
gentleman  who  has  come  from  there  has  a  different 
account.     General  Schuyler,  who  is  an  honest  man  and 
a  good  patriot,  has  had  a  politeness  about  him  towards 
Canadian  and  British  prisoners,  which  has  enabled  them 
and  their  ministerial  friends  to  impose  upon  him  in  some 
instances.    This  has  occasioned  some   altercation  be- 
tween him  and  General   Wooster.     Schuyler's  head 
quarters  will  be  at  Albany,  1  suppose,  and  he  will  be  of 
vast  service,  in  procuring  and  forwarding  supplies,  and 
in  many  other  ways  in  promoting  the  service.     But  his 
health  will  not  permit  him  to  go    into   Canada.      I 
wish  I  could  write  you  a  volume,  for  to  give  you  the 
characters  of  persons  in  Canada  of  whom  we  have  heard, 
and  some  of  whom  we  have  seen,  which  would  fill  one. 
But  these  hints  must  suffice. 

Your  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
liet  me  beg  of  you  to  write  me  if  you  can  spare 


42 

time :  It  is  of  great  importance  that  the  delegates  from 
New  England  should  be  truly  informed  of  the  course  of 
things  in  Canada." 

General  Thomas,  while  in  his  proud  command  at 
Dorchester,  was  promoted,  and  appointed  to  a  more 
extensive  and  important  command,  which  proved  disas- 
trous to  his  country,  and  fatal  to  himself.  After  seeing 
the  British  army  and  fleet  leave  his  native  province,  he 
took  his  departure  for  Canada,  the  difficulty  of  travel  at 
that  season  of  the  year,  and  other  obstructions  to  his 
progress  on  the  route,  may  be  conceived,  but  a  letter  from 
the  good  patriot,  General  Schuyler,  will  more  fully 
reveal. 


Sir, 


Saratoga,  Friday  Evening,  8  o'' clock,  March  29<A,  1776. 


By  a  letter  this  moment  received  from  my  Secre- 
tary, I  have  the  pleasure  to  learn  you  have  arrived  at 
Albany.  Lest  you  should  be  induced  by  the  hopes  of 
still  being  able  to  cross  the  lakes  on  the  ice  to  leave 
Albany,  I  send  this  by  express  to  advise  you  of  the  im- 
possibility. Four  companies  are  now  lying  about  forty 
miles  north  of  Ticonderoga,without  being  able  to  proceed, 
as  a  great  part  of  the  lake  is  open.  I  hope  a  few  more 
warm  days  and  high  southerly  winds  will  remove  the 
obstacles.  The  first  of  the  cannon  will  arrive  at  Fort 
George  to  morrow,  and  I  hope  the  whole  will  be  there 
by  the  middle  of  next  week.  Had  a  sufficient  number 
of  carriages   been  provided  by  the  persons  to  whose 


^ 


43 

charge  they  were  committed  at  New  York,  they  would 
have  been  at  Fort  George  on  Monday.  I  propose  doing 
myself  the  pleasure  to  see  you  on  Sunday,  or  Monday  at 
farthest,  by  which  time  I  hope  all  will  be  in  such  a  train 
as  will  leave  me  to  return  without  anxiety. 

I  am  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

PH.  SCHUYLER." 
General  Thomas." 


rs  r 


We  see  what  Mr.  Adams  had  so  recently  foretold,  that 
Thomas  might  rely  on  the  vast  service  Schuyler  would 
render  in  procuring  and  forwarding  supplies,  and  in 
promoting  the  service  in  many  other  ways.  The 
promptness  with  which  the  above  letter  was  written  and 
forv/arded  by  express,  in  the  night,  the  important  infor- 
mation given,  and  his  determination  to  wait  on  his 
junior,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  further  information, 
and  congratulating  him  on  his  new  and  high  command, 
as  well  as  on  the  part  he  had  recently  taken  in  driving 
the  enemy  from  the  capital  of  New  England,  must  have 
been  highly  gratifying  to  General  Thomas,  and  cheered 
and  consoled  him  in  the  anticipated  roughnesL  of  his 
new  and  trying  situation.  They  weie  congenial  spirits 
and  the  only  contest  or  rival  ship  between  them  was, 
which  should  serve  their  country  the  most  effectually 
and  successfully.  The  accurate  and  faithful  historian 
Judge  Marshall,  will  be  followed,  in  substance,  in  what 
relates  to  every  thing  of  the  army  in  Canada  and  General 
Thomas,  until  his  death.    "  The  season  of  the  year  now 


44 

approached  when  reinforcements  from  England  would 
be  certain,  and  notwithstanding  the  feeble  state  in 
which  the  army  still  continued,  the  Americans  under 
Arnold  deemed  it  indispensably  necessary  to  recom- 
mence active  operations,  and  to  renew  the  siege  of 
Quebec.  They  now  again  erected  their  batteries,  and 
on  the  first  of  April,  just  as  they  were  about  to  open 
them,  General  Wooster  arrived  from  Montreal,  and  took 
the  command.  The  next  day  the  batteries  were  opened, 
without  much  effect.  They  had  not  weight  of  metal  to 
make  a  breach  in  the  wall,  nor  an  engineer  capable  of 
directing  a  seige,  nor  artillerists  who  understood  the 
management  of  the  pieces.  The  few  troops  of  this 
description  originally  belonging  to  the  army  were 
prisoners  in  Quebec.  The  day  afier  the  arrival  of 
Wooster,  Arnold's  horse  fell  with  him,  and  so  bruised 
his  leg  which  had  been  wounded,  as  to  confine  him  for 
some  time  to  his  bed.  Believeing  himself  neglected,  he 
obtained  leave  of  absence  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to 
move,  and  took  command  at  Montreal.  The  true  cause 
of  Arnold's  disgust,  probably  was  his  being  superseded 
by  Wooster.  who  he  personally  disliked.  Some  fire 
ships  had  been  prepared  both  at  Orleans,  and  Point  aux 
Trembles,  to  be  used  against  the  vessels  in  the  harbor 
as  soon  as  the  ice  would  permit  the  operation.  The 
difficulties  usually  attending  such  an  enterprise  were 
greatly  augmented  by  the  want  of  sailors,  and  of  a 
skilful  commander  to  conduct  them.  The  attempt, 
however  was  made  with  great  boldness,  and  the  ship 
from  Orleans  very  nearly  succeeded.    Coming  from 


arta«iiMimtiiB 


and  would 
e  state  in 
sans  under 
to  recom- 
}  siege  of 
teries,  and 
It  to  open 
I,  and  took 
re  opened, 
5f  metal  to 
capable  of 
rstood  the 
)s  of  this 
tny    were 
arrival  of 
0  bruised 
e  him  for 
lected,  he 
s  able  to 
•ue  cause 
iperseded 
ome  fire 
*oint  aux 
le  harbor 
n.    The 
ise  were 
nd  of  a 
attempt, 
he  ship 
ig  from 


45 

Ijtelow  she  was  at  first  mistaken  for  a  friend,  and  proceed- 
ed in  the  night,  very  near  to  the  cul  de  sac  where  the 
vessels  lay,  before  her  character  was  discovered.  The 
fire  from  the  enemy  instantly  opened^  on  receiving 
which,  the  train  immediately  ignited ;  but  the  sails 
caught  the  flames  so  quickly,  as  to  loose  the  benefit  of 
the  wind,  and  sto  j  the  progress  of  llie  vessel,  just  at 
which  time  the  ebb  tide  commencing  carried  her  down 
the  river.  The  American  army  which  had  been  drawn 
up,  prepared  if  this  plan  had  succeeded  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  confusion  it  would  occasion,  had  the  mortifi- 
cation to  witness  its  failure  after  the  most  sanguine  and 
encouraging  appearances. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  army  being  entitled  to  a 
discharge  in  April,  no  inducements  could  prevail  on 
them  to  continue  longer  in  so  severe  a  service.  This 
deduction  of  General  Wooster's  force  was  the  more  felt, 
because  of  the  present  state  of  the  roads ;  the  lakes  and 
the  St.  Ijawrence,  impeded  for  a  time,  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  destined  for  his  aid.  The  roads  were  so 
deep  as  to  be  nearly  impassible,  the  ice  had  become  too 
soft  for  the  use  of  sleds,  and  had  not  broke  up  so  as  to 
admit  the  passage  of  boats.  Among  the  first  who 
reached  the  camp,  in  this  state  of  things,  was  General 
Thomas,  who,  after  his  appointment  to  the  command  in 
Canada,  had  made  great  exertions  to  join  the  army. 
He  arrived  on  the  first  day  of  May,  and  found  his  whole 
force  to  consist  of  nineteen  hundred  men,  and  less  than 
one  thousand  fit  for  duty,  including  ofiicers.  Among 
the  effectives  were  three  hundred  entitled  to  a  discharge. 


46 


II'  :  -I 


who  refused  to  do  duty.  The  sick  were  generally  ill  of 
the  small  pox,  in  the  hospital.  And  this  force  was 
necessarily  divided  so  as  to  occupy  different  posts  which 
had  been  deemed  necessary  to  maintain,  at  great  distan- 
ces from  each  other,  and  on  different  sides  of  the  St. 
J-iawrence,  so  that  not  more  three  hundred  men  could  be 
brought  togetlier  at  one  point,  which  might  be  attacked 
by  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  ;  and  in  all  the  maga- 
zenes  there  were  but  one  hundred  and  fiftty  barrels  of 
powder  and  six  days  provisions ;  nor  could  adequate 
supplies  from  the  country  people  be  relied  on»  as  the 
Canadians  no  longer  manifested  a  disposition  to  serve 
them.  The  river  was  beginning  to  open  below,  and  no 
doubt  could  be  entertained,  that  the  first  moment  of  its 
being  practicable,  would  be  seized  by  the  enemy  for  the 
relief  of  this  very  important  place. 

Anciiidst  these  unpromising  circumstances,  the  hope  of 
taking  dnebec,  appeared  to  General  Thomas  chimerical, 
and  the  longer  continuance  before  the  town  useless  and 
dangerous.  The  first  reinforcements  which  should 
arrive  from  England,  would  deprive  him  entirely  of  the 
use  of  the  river,  and  embarrass  the  removal  of  his  sick 
and  military  stores.  No  existing  object  remained  to 
justify  the  hazard.  Under  these  impressions.  General 
Thomas  called  a  council  of  war  on  the  5th.  of  May,  in 
which  it  was  determined,  that  they  were  not  in  a  condi- 
tion to  risk  an  assault,  and  that  the  sick  should  be 
removed  to  the  Three  Rivers,  and  theartilkry  and  other 
stores  embarked  in  boats,  in  order  to  move  with  the 
army  highey  up  the  river  to  a  more  defensible  position. 


ul 
bl 

w 
ei 


47 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  certain  intelh'gence 
was  received  that  a  British  fleet  was  below,  and  the  next 
morning  five  ships,  which  had  with  much  labor  and 
danger  made  their  way  up  the  river  through  the  ice, 
before  it  was  deemed  practicable,  appeared  in   sight. 
They  soon  entered  the  harbor,  and  landed  some  men, 
whilst  the  Americans  were  assiduously  employed  in  the 
embarkation  of  their  sick  and  stores,  an  operation  car- 
ried on  the  more  slowly,  because  the  first  appearance  of 
the  ships  in  the  river  deprived  them  of  the  aid  expected 
from  the  teams  and  carriages  of  the  Canadians.     About 
one  o'clock  Carleton  made  a  sortie  at  the  head  of  one 
thousand  men,  formed  into  two  divisions,  and  supported 
by  six  field  pieces.     No  entrenchments  had  been  thrown 
up  for  the  support  of  the  camp,  and  not  more  than  three 
hundred  men  with  one  field  piece  could  be  brought  into 
action.     Thus  circumstanced  victory  was  scarcely  pos- 
sible, and  could  have  produced  no  important  eflfect,  as 
the  enemy  would  immediately  retire  under  the  cannon 
of  the  town  ;  while  defeat  would  certainly  annihilate 
this  little  army.     General  Thomas  therefore  with  the 
advice  of  the  field  officers  about  him,  determined  not  to 
risk  an  action,  and  ordered  his  troops  to  retreat  up  the 
river. 

This  was  done  with  much  precipitation,  and  many  of 
the  sick  with  all  the  military  stores,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.  Unfortunately,  to  their  quantity  were 
added  two  tons  of  powder  just  sent  down  by  General 
Schuyler,    and    five    hundred    stand  of   small    arms. 


m 


im 


46 

Much  to  the  honor  of  General  Carleton,  he  pursued  the 
wise  and  humane  policy  of  treating  with  great  kindness, 
the  sick  and  other  prisoners,  that  fell  into  his  hands. 
The  falls  of  Richelieu  had  been  contemplated  as  a  place 
of  great  natural  strength,  which  by  being  fortified  and 
defended  by  a  few  armed  vessels,  might,  in  the  t/ent  of 
failing  in  the  attempt  on  Quebec,  stop  the  progress  of  the 
enemy  up  the  river,  and  thus  preserve  the  greater  part 
of  Canada.  General  Montgomery  had  strongly  recom- 
mended an  early  attention  to  this  position,  and  it  had 
been  determined  to  fortify  it ;  but  the  measures  resolved 
on,  had  not  been  executed.  Some  armed  gondolas  were 
building  up  the  river,  but  had  not  been  completed  in 
time ;  and  in  the  present  state  of  that  place,  it  was  en- 
tirely impracticable  to  maintain  it.  The  ships  of  the 
enemy  were  pressing  up  the  river,  and  were  then  at 
Jacques  Cartier, about  three  leagues  below  De  Chambeau, 
and,  as  they  had  no  means  of  stopping  them  at  the  falls 
of  Richelieu,  would  soon  be  above  so  as  to  subject  the 
troops  in  their  present  position,  to  the  same  disadvantages 
to  which  they  had  been  exposed  before  Q,uebec. 

The  army  therefore  continued  its  retreat  to  De  Cham- 
beau,  where  on  the  seventh,  another  council  of  war  was 
called,  in  which  it  was  agreed  they  should  retire  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Sorel.  In  pursuance  of  this  advice,  the 
remaining  sick  were  moved  up  the  river ;  but  General 
Thomas  was  determined  to  continue  in  his  present  posi- 
tion some  time  longer,  by  the  information  that  large 
reinforcements  were  now  passing  the  lakes,  and  might 
daily  be  expected  ;  but  those  reinforcements  not  arriving 


49 


!ham- 
r  was 
"o  the 
,,  the 
fneral 

posi- 
|large 

light 
living: 


I 


as  his  intelligence  induced  him  to  hope,  and  the  enemy 
advancing  in  force,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat  to  the 
Sorel,  where  he  was  seized  with  the  small  pox,  of  which 
he  died.  The  Americans  in  general  were  by  no  means 
satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  this  gentleman.  To  him, 
in  some  measure,  they  attributed  the  disasters  which 
ruined  their  affairs  in  Canada:  but  this  censure  was 
unjust ;  he  took  command  c^  the  army  when  it  was  too 
weak  to  maintain  its  ground  ;  when  the  time  for  saving 
the  sick  and  military  stores  had  passed  away.  The 
seige  of  Quebec  instead  of  being  persevered  in  longer, 
ought  certainly  to  have  been  abandoned  at  an  earlier 
period. 

It  »vas  the  real  fault  of  those  who  commanded  at  this 
station.  It  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  reluctance  always 
felt  by  inexperienced  officers  to  disappoint  the  public 
expectation,  by  relinquishing  an  enterprise  concerning 
which  sanguine  hopes  have  been  entertained,  even  after 
every  reasonable  prospect  of  success  had  vanished :  and 
to  encounter  the  obloquy  of  giving  up  a  post,  although 
it  can  no  longer  with  prudence  be  defendad.  In  pursu- 
ance with  which  the  seige  of  Quebec  was  maintained. 
These  motives  operated  with  all  their  force,  and  they 
received  an  addition,  from  the  unwillingness  felt  by  the 
Americans  to  abandon  those  of  their  friends  who  had 
taken  so  decided  a  part  in  their  favor,  as  to  be  incapable  of 
remaining  in  safety  behind  them.  In  April,  when  the 
troops  left  General  Wooster,  on  the  expiration  of  their 
enlistment,  it  seems  surprising  that  he  did  not  immedi- 
ately secure  his  sick  and  stores  by  a  retreat  up  the  river? 


* 


1 


\   i! 


60 

taken  a  strohg  position,  and  await  the  arrival  of  General 
Thomas.  An  unwillingness  to  disappoint  public  expec- 
tation, and  the  fear  of  meeting  their  temporary  dis- 
pleasure, seems  to  have  been  the  only,  but  insufficient 
reason. 

On  the  death  of  General  Thomas  the  command  of 
the  army  devolved  on  General  Thompson ;  but  soon 
after  General  Sullivan  arrived  in  the  American  camp? 
with  reinforcements  which  increased  the  army  to  four 
or  five  thousand,  and  assumed  the  command.  From 
this  time  retreat,  defeat  and  misfortune  followed  the  army 
in  quick  succession.  After  destroying  some  armed  ves- 
sels on  the  Sorel  and  St.  Lawrence,  and  burning  the 
fortifications  at  Chamblee  and  St.  Johns,  he  left  Canadai 
although  at  the  head  of  eight  thousand  men,  and  by 
order  of  General  Schuyler  took  post  at  Crown  Point, 
where  he  was  superseded  by  General  Gates. — Thus  ter- 
minated the  enterprise  against  Canada  ;  it  was  bold  and 
at  one  period  promised  success.  Had  a  few  incidents 
turned  out  fortunately  ;  had  Arnold  been  able  to  reach 
Quebec  a  few  days  sooner ;  or  to  have  crossed  the  St. 
Lawrence  on  his  first  arrival,  or  had  the  gallant  Mont- 
gomery not  fallen  on  the  3 1st  day  of  December,  it  is 
probable  the  expedition  would  have  been  crowned  with 
success.  But  as  it  would  have  required  ten  thousand 
troops  to  have  retained  possession  of  it,  the  expedition 
must  now  be  viewed,  as  partaking  more  of  the  romantic 
than  the  useful.  As  it  resulted  it  was  unfortunate  in 
every  aspect  in  which  it  can  be  viewed.  The  loss  of 
men  by  sickness  and  battle  was  great,  as  well  as  the 


51 


J 


munitions  of  war ;  to  which  may  be  added  the  loss  of 
the  two  best  Generals,  Montgomery  and  Thomas,  Con- 
gress sent  into  the  field.  All  which  were  of  the  first 
necessity  in  defending  the  homes  of  tlie  thirteen  colonies, 
rather  than  acquiring  foreign  provinces  by  conquest. 

On  the  eighth  day  of  May  General  Thomas  wrote 
Washington,  communicating  the  intelligence  of  his 
having  raised  the  siege  of  duebcc,  and  commenced  his 
retreat.  On  the  24th  of  the  same  month  Washington 
replied,  "  I  received  your  favor  of  the  8th  instant  with 
its  enclosures,  confirming  the  melancholy  intelligence  I 
had  before  heard,  of  your  having  been  obliged  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Quebec,  and  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat 
with  the  loss  of  the  cannon  in  the  batteaux.  and  inter- 
ception of  the  powder  going  from  General  Schuyler. 
This  unfortunate  affair  has  given  a  sad  shock  to  our 
schemes  in  that  quarter,  and  blasted  the  hope  wc  onter- 
tained  of  reduci  .  (hat  fortress  and  the  whole  of  Canada 
to  our  posses  ioii.  From  your  representation,  things 
must  have  beeu  found  in  great  confusion  and  disorder, 
and  such  as  to  have  made  a  retreat  almost  inevitable ; 
but  nevertheless,  it  is  hoped  you  will  be  able  to 
make  a  good  stand  yet,  and  by  that  means  secure  a  good 
part  or  all  the  upper  part  of  the  country. 

That  being  a  matter  of  the  utmost  importance  in  the 
present  contest,  it  is  my  wish  and  that  of  Congress,  that 
you  take  an  advantageous  post  as  far  down  the  river  as 
possible,  so  as  not  to  preclude  you  from  a  retreat,  if  it 
should  be  necessary,  nor  from  getting  proper  supplies  of 
provision.    The  lower  down  you  can  maintain  a  standi 


i,'  -It 


X 13 


i 


62 


the  more  advantageous  will  it  be,  as  all  the  country  will 
most  probably  take  part  with  us,  from  which  we  may 
draw  some  assistance  and  support,  considering  all  below 
as  entirely  within  the  power  of  the  enemy,  and  of  course 
in  their  favor.  This  misfort'ine  must  be  repaired,  if 
possible,  by  our  more  vigorous  exertions;  and  1  trust 
that  nothing  will  be  wanting  on  your  part  or  in  your 
power  to  advance  our  country's  cause." 

This  was  the  last  communication  ever  directed  to 
General  Thomas  by  his  beloved  commander  or  Congress, 
and  it  is  doubtful  if  this  was  ever  received  by  him.  It 
admits  the  retreat  from  before  Quebec  to  have  been 
inevitable,  but  .^t  the  same  time  must  have  renewed  in 
Thomas'  mind  what  he  before  well  knew,  the  great 
mortification  such  a  step  would  occasion  in  the  minds  of 
Congress  and  his  countrymen.  This  information,  from 
such  a  source,  must  have  been  keenly  felt  by  a  mind 
like  his,  and  at  the  same  time,  utterly  beyond  his  power 
to  apply  an  effectual  remedy. 

With  all  the  wisdom  of  Congress  during  our  whole 
contest  for  independence,  their  seemed  to  be  a  delusion 
in  their  determination  to  take  and  keep  possession  of 
Canada.  And  Thomas  must  have  felt  that  retreat,  how- 
ever inevitable,  would  be  viewed  by  them  as  disgraceful. 
On  the  2d  of  June,  1776,  at  Chamblee,  on  the  river 
Sorel,  while  anxiously  awaiting  the  expected  reinforce- 
ments, he  died  of  the  small  pox,  aged  fifty-two  years. 
The  disease  was  so  malignant  that  he  was  entirely  blind- 
some  days  before  his  death.  And  what  is  remarkable, 
he  had  in  the  course  of  his  professional  life,  been 


i 


• 


53 

familiar  with  the  disorder,  and  uncommonly  skilful  in 
its  treatment,  and  yet  had  never  taken  it  either  by  inoc- 
ulation or  otherwise.  He  attained  an  enviable  eminence 
in  his  profession  in  the  section  of  the  country  of  his 
residence.  In  his  person  he  was  six  feet  high,  erect  and 
well  proportioned,  so  that  his  appearance  was  dignified 
and  commanding.  In  his  manners,  affable,  gentlemanly 
and  of  unaffected  sincerity.  He  never  lessened  his 
character  or  martial  fame  by  arrogance  or  ostentation. 

Granting  to  all  the  applause  due  to  their  merit,  he  en- 
!(  ved  that  due  to  himself  with  universal  assent.  As  a 
uisciplinarian  he  was  correct,  as  the  whole  army  bore 
witness.  Among  a  body  of  undisciplined  countrymen, 
assembled  at  the  siege  of  Boston,  be  was  the  first  to  intro- 
duce order  and  regularity  without  severity,  by  the  weight 
of  his  character.  It  does  not  appear,  after  he  was  ad- 
vanced to  high  command,  either  in  the  old  French  or 
revolutionary  wars,  that  any  opportunity  was  afforded 
him  of  being  engaged  in  close  action  with  the  enemies 
of  his  country,  but  by  the  testimony  of  officers  with  him 
in  both  wars,  he  was  cool  and  self-possessed  in  every 
emergency,  and  when  action  was  fully  expected,  as  at 
Dorchester  Heights,  his  coolness  and  self-possession  in- 
spired his  troops  with  confidence,  ardor  and  zeal  for  ac- 
tion, which  Washington  said  he  never  saw  surpassed. 
His  perfect  collection  and  soundness  of  mind  to  the  end 
of  his  last  sickness,  was  noticed  by  all  his  attendants,  as 
has  often  been  remarked  by  the  late  Hon.  Joshua  Thom- 
as, of  Plymouth,  then  one  of  his  aids,  and  long  after  dis- 
tinguished as  an  able  and  upright  judge. 


54 

His  letter  to  his  wife,  from  Dorchester  Heights,  is  a 
picture  of  the  man.  Not  a  word  even  to  her,  of  the  esti- 
mate in  which  he  washeld  by  his  commander,  whose  first 
trait  of  character  was  an  intuitive  knowledge  of  his  fel- 
low men,  and  especially  of  those  under  him.  Not  an 
intimation  that  he  was  selected  for  that  important  and 
delicate  service  in  preference  to  two  Major  Generals  then 
in  camp,  to  one  of  whom  was  assigned  a  secondary  part  to 
act.  All  this  might  have  been  mentioned  to  her  without 
arrogance  or  boasting.  Not  a  word  of  his  courage,  for  no 
one  ever  doubted  he  possessed  it,  he  simply  tells  her  that 
John  is  safe,  and  only  two  men  killed  "  in  all  this  affair." 
But  further  particulars  of  his  character  and  services  are 
unnecessary,  when  it  is  recollected  that  he  received  par- 
ticular rcjirks  of  favor,  and  especial  confidence  was  re- 
posed in  him  by  two  of  the  first  Generals  of  the  age, 
Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst  and  George  Washington. 

He  married  Hannah  Thomas,  of  Plymouth,  a  woman 
distinguished  for  intelligence  and  general  accomplish- 
ments. At  the  time  of  his  marriage  he  was  rather  advan- 
ced in  life.  He  left  a  wife,  daughter  and  two  sons,  both 
the  latter  still  survive  ;  one  of  them  was  with  him  at  Dor- 
chester Heights.  His  wife  lived  to'an  advanced  age,  and 
died  in  1819,  universally  respected.  This  imperfect  sketch 
is  not  only  due  to  the  memory  of  General  Thomas  on  his 
own  account,  and  the  character  of  his  respectable  ances- 
tors and  descendants,  for  his  nobility  neither  began  or 
ended  with  himself,  but  to  the  whole  union,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  old  colony  of  Plymouth,  his  native  place. 
No  section  of  New  England  was  more  distinguished  for 


56 


intelligence,  patriotism  and  unanimity  in  the  cause  of 
self-government  in  church  and  state,  and  for  its  able  de- 
fenders in  the  cabinet  and  field,  as  the  Cushings,  Otis', 
Paynes  and  Warrens,  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and 
the  Thomases,  and  Lincolns,  in  the  field,  bear  witness. 
Notwithstanding  the  loss  of  Thomas,  the  old  colony  pre- 
served its  standing,  for  his  mantle  fell  and  rested  on  the 
brave  and  virtuous  Lincoln.  They  were  personally  and 
intimately  acquainted,  as  appears  from  business  transac- 
tions between  them  a  few  days  before  the  former  left 
Cambridge  for  Canada,  his  last  field.  They  were  simi- 
lar in  manners  and  character,  and  attained  an  equal 
.  r  ling  in  the  estimation  of  their  countrymen.  Lin- 
com's  military  career  was  longer  and  more  varied.  The 
first  we  he  hear  of  him  as  a  military  character  in  the 
revolution,  was  in  the  capacity  of  Major  General  of  Mili- 
tia of  Massachusetts.  On  the  13th  of  June,  1776,  he  em- 
barked at  the  head  of  some  Provincial  troops  and  volun- 
teers at  Long  Wharf,  Boston,  to  clear  the  harbor  of  a  fifty 
gun  ship,  and  several  smaller  armed  vessels.  He  landed 
on  Long  Island,  made  arrangements  for  a  vigorous  can- 
nonade ;  but  a  few  shots  soon  convinced  the  British  Com« 
modore  of  his  danger,  and  he  hastily  abandoned  the  Bos- 
ton waters,  never  more  to  infest  them.  The  acquain- 
tance which  Washington  had  formed  with  Lincoln,  while 
at  Cambridge,  induced  him  to  recummend  the  latter 
to  Congress,  as  a  Major  General,  to  which  office  he  was 
appointed  in  February,  1777.  In  July  of  the  same  year, 
Washington  sent  him  from  the  main  army  to  join  the 
northern  army  under  Schuyler,  because  of  the  influence 


if 

m 


li 


h 


Ml 

i 

If 


mi 


1 


66 

he  had  in  New  England,  and  the  confidence  the  militia 
placed  in  him,  and  the  absolute  necessity  there  was  of 
sending  a  determined  officer.  He  arrived  at  Bennington 
the  day  after  Stark's  victory.  He  immediately  commenced 
operations  in  Burgoyne's  rear,  by  sending  Colonel  Brown 
with  500  men  to  Lake  George.  He  captured  the  fort 
and  two  hundred  batteaux,  with  two  hundred  and  nine- 
ty-three of  the  enemy  and  liberated  one  hundred  Amer- 
ican prisoners.  This  raised  the  spirits  of  the  northern 
militia. 

After  some  other  operations  he  joined  the  army  of 
Gates,  to  whom  he  was  second  in  command.  In  a  let- 
ter of  the  late  General  Ebenezer  Mattoon,  then  a  Lieu- 
tenant, of  November  13,  1837,  to  the  late  Colonel  John 
Trumbull,  he  says,  "As  to  your  enquiry  about  General 
Lincoln,  in  the  action  of  the  7th  of  October  on  Bemus' 
Heights,  I  recollect  our  troops  broke  through  the  centre  of 
the  enemy's  line,  which  left  Lord  Belcarras  on  our  extreme 
right,  in  a  very  exposed  situation.  Early  in  the  morning 
of  the  8th,  General  Lincoln  said  to  me,  "  my  aids  are  all 
very  busily  engaged  in  writing,  will  you  mount  one  of  their 
horses  and  ride  to  the  lines  with  me  ?"  I  replied,  "  Sir, 
I  will  with  pleasure."  On  the  way  he  observed,  "  If  the 
enemy  have  not  changed  their  position  during  the  night, 
I  think  Lord  Belcarras  can  be  cut  off.*'  We  rode  to  the 
southerlv  part  of  our  line,  which  extended  northwardly 
a  considerable  distance,  parallel  with  the  enemy's,  which 
lay  east  of  us,  and  within  long  musket  shot  of  where  our 
army  lay,  secreted  behind  some  logs  laid  up.  The  Gen- 
eral leaped  his  horse  over  the  logs,  and  I  followed  him. 


57 


lUS' 


jail 


our 


4{ 


The  enemy  immediately  opened  a  fire  upon  him,  and  as 
he  rode  northward  the  firing  increased  both  from  small 
arms  and  cannon.  I  rode  at  his  left  side,  and  regarded 
my  situation  as  very  hazardous.  The  fire  increased  as 
we  r^ivanced,  and  I  remarked  to  the  General,  "  Sir,  your 
life  is  too  dear  to  the  army  to  be  thus  exposed."  He 
made  no  reply,  but  looked  at  me  and  smiled,  which  I  con- 
strued to  mean,  "  You  are  more  concerned  about  your- 
self than  about  me."  We  proceeded  but  a  few  yards 
further,  when  I  saw  him  shudder,  and  he  said,  the  ras- 
cals have  struck  me."  I  enquired  where,  he  replied, 
In  my  hip  I  believe."  I  immediately  turned  my  horse 
to  his  right,  and  found  his  boot  perforated  with  a  musket 
ball,  and  the  blood  flowing  out  profusely.  I  said  it  is 
your  ancle  Sir,"  *'  Indeed,"  said  he,  "  I  thought  it  was 
my  hip."  This  put  an  end  to  the  reconnoisance,  to  my 
great  satisfaction." 

This  disabled  him,  and  he  was  removed  to  Albany, 
and  thence  to  Hingham.  He  joined  the  army  again  in  Au- 
gust, 1778,  but  suffered  for  several  years  from  theeff*ects 
of  the  v/ound.  The  reputation  of  Lincoln  now  stood  so 
high  that  the  delegates  in  Congress  from  South  Carolina 
requested  that  body  to  appoint  him  to  the  command  of 
the  Southern  army,  which  was  accordingly  done,  and 
he  reached  Charleston  in  December.  Soon  after  his  ar- 
rival at  Charleston,  General  Robert  Howe  was  defeated 
in  Georgia,  and  the  British  took  possession  of  Savannah. 
In  March  following  General  Ashe  was  defeated  at  Briar 
Creek,  which  deprived  Lincolnof  one  fourth  of  his  army. 

In  June  Lincoln  attacked  the  enemies  works  near  Stono 

5* 


Iff 
m 


mi 

i  m 


I 


i  ; 


V 

h 


m  ] 
j 
■J 
\ 


58 

Ferry,  and  a  warm  action  ensued.  It  was  bravely  fought, 
but  not  decisive.  On  this  occasion,  after  being  without 
sleep  the  previous  night,  he  was  ten  hours  on  horse-back 
at  one  sitting.  In  September,  Count  D'Eslaing  arrived  off 
Savannah,  where  Lincoln  joined  him.  A  siege  ensu- 
ed which  was  too  slow  an  operation  for  D'Estaing's 
temperament,  he  determined  on  an  assault,  against  the 
opinion  of  Lincoln,  as  a  few  days  would  have  put  them 
in  possession  of  the  place.  On  the  9th  of  October, 
D'Estaing  and  Lincoln  made  the  assault,  leading  in  per- 
son their  respective  columns.  They  nobly  contented  for 
possession  of  the  town,  and  it  was  the  bloodiest  engage- 
ment of  the  Southern  war,  but  less  successful  than 
bloody.  The  Count  re-embarked  his  troops  for  the  West 
Indies,  and  Lincoln  re-crossed  the  Savannah,  and  made 
his  head-quarters  at  Charleston.  On  the  30th  of  March 
General  Clinton  encamped  in  great  strength,  in  front  of 
the  American  lines.  On  the  10th  of  April,  having  com- 
pleted his  first  parallel,  the  garrison  was  summoned  to 
surrender.  On  the  20th  a  second  parallel  was  comple- 
ted and  the  garrison  a  second  time  summoned  to  surren- 
der, which  was  rejected.  On  the  8th  of  May  a  third 
summons  was  sent,  and  on  the  11th  the  garrison  surren- 
dered. It  is  conceded  that  great  credit  is  due  to  Lincoln, 
for  his  judicious  and  spirited  conduct  in  baffling  for  three 
months,  the  greatly  superior  forces  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
and  Admiral  Arbuthnot.  Though  Charleston  and  the 
army  were  lost,  yet  by  their  long  defence,  the  British 
plans  were  retarded  and  deranged,  and  North  Carolina 
saved  for  the  remainder  of  the  year  1780.    So  establish- 


69 


ed  wa8  the  spotless  reputation  of  the  vanquished  Gen- 
eral, that  he  continued  to  enjoy  the  undiminished  respect 
and  confidence  of  the  Congress,  the  army  and  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief." His  exertions  and  fatigue  during  this 
campaign,  were  such  as  few  constitutions  would  have 
been  able  to  endure.  He  was  on  the  lines  night  and  day, 
and  for  the  last  fortnight  never  undressed  to  sleep.  Hav- 
ing been  exchanged  for  Major  General  Philips,  he  joined 
the  army  under  Washington  in  the  Spring  of  1781,  on 
the  North  River.  When  the  army  moved  to  Virginia, 
Lincoln  conducted  it  on  the  route  as  Washington  and 
Rochambeau  preceded  it  and  joined  the  army  under  La- 
Fayette  and  Steuben,  then  there.  He  commanded  the 
central  division  of  the  army  at  the  Seige  of  Yorktown. 
The  duty  of  conducting  the  conquered  army  to  the  field 
where  their  arms  were  deposited,  and  receiving  the  cus- 
tomary submission,  was  assigned  him.  Immediately 
after  this  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  war,  with  the 
power  to  retain  his  rank  in  the  army.  At  the  end  of  two 
years  he  resigned  this  office.  On  the  acceptance  of  his 
resignation,  Congress  passed  the  following  resolve.  "'Re- 
solved, that  the  resignation  of  Major  General  Lincoln, 
as  Secretary  of  War  for  the  United  States,  be  accepted, 
in  consideration  of  the  earnest  desire  which  he  expresses, 
the  objects  of  the  war  being  so  happily  accomplished,  to 
retire  to  private  life ;  and  that  he  be  informed,  that  the 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  entertain  a  high 
sense  of  his  perseverance,  fortitude,  activity  and  merit- 
orious services  in  the  field,  as  well  as  of  his  diligence, 
fidelity  and   capacity  in  the  execution  of  the  office  of 


Hi 


m 
'■i: 

;  t 

m 


■I 

'  'i 


im 


11 


I: 


CO 


-I 
[li 


n 


Secretary  of  War,  which  important  trust  he  has  dis- 
charged to  their  entire  approbation."  In  1T87,  he  was 
commander  of  the  troops  sent  to  quell  the  famous  Shay's 
Insurrection,  which  he  happily  suppressed  during  that 
severe  winter,  by  his  activity  and  prudence.  The  same 
year  he  was  elected  Lieutenant  Governor.  In  1789  was 
appointed  Collector  of  the  Ports  of  Boston  and  Charles- 
town,  which  latter  office  enabled  him  to  repurchase  that 
part  of  his  patrimony  he  had  been  compelled  to  sell  for 
the  support  of  his  family  ;  he  was  as  humane  as  brave, 
in  private  life  few  men  have  been  more  respected,  he  was 
a  practical  and  rational  christian  from  his  childhood  up. 
The  last  and  most  important  office  he  ever  held,  was 
that  of  Deacon  in  the  Congregational  church,  of  which 
the  learned  and  pious  Dr.  Shute  was  pastor.  This  of- 
fice he  held  till  his  death,  in  the  same  church,  formed  on 
primitive,  apostolic  principles,  in  which  the  Elder  or 
Teacher  was  considered  and  treated,  only  as  first  among 
equals. 

He  was  elected  to  this  office  by  the  brethren  of  the 
church,  for  his  good  report  and  wisdom,  and  his  humility 
enabled  him  to  perform  all  the  duties  of  the  office  to  the 
acceptance  of  the  brethren.  He  would  not  have  ac- 
cepted the  office  from  any  source  less  pure.  He  and  his 
departed  friend  had  hazarded  their  lives  in  defence  of 
this  principle  in  the  church,  as  fully  as  for  the  right  and 
ability  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves  in  civil  affairs. 
They  had  no  reverence  for  the  assumed  and  usurped 
power  of  kings  or  prelates. 

They  felt  and  knew  that  the  union  of  church  and 


61 


It  and 
iffairs. 
ped 


sur 


111  and 


state,  had  brought  on  earth  the  greatest  calamities  1  It 
has  proved  the  greatest  misfortune  to  both,  and  history 
since  has  been  a  detail  of  the  woes,  crimes,  cruelties  and 
blood  shedding  it  has  caused.  It  has  blunted  and 
broken  the  heaven  tempered  weapons  of  the  former, 
destined  to  reach  and  pierce  the  heart  of  every  foe  to 
man,  perverted  and  corrupted  its  mightiest  influences, 
seduced  it  from  its  appropriate  sphere,  from  which  it 
showered  balm  and  healing,  and  benedictions  on  the 
nations,  made  its  ministers  hirelings  and  courtiers,  and 
spell  bound  its  power  to  bless  and  save.  Since  it  has 
not  been  the  chaste  bride  of  Christ,  but  the  prostitute  of 
the  world,  the  embrace  has  been  fatal  to  its  hopes  and 
the  accomplishment  of  its  mission.  He  said  his  kingdom 
was  not  of  this  world,  he  desired  not  its  aid  or  favor.  It 
was  instituted  to  confront  the  world,  to  rebuke  its  pas- 
sions, ambition,  pride,  selfishness,  lust ;  to  fight  against 
its  powers,  and  the  rulers  of  darkness  and  corruption. 
Its  legitimate  position  is  one  of  conflict  with  the  world, 
till  that  shall  be  brought  under  subjection  to  the  author- 
ity and  reign  of  Jesus.  Their  union  has  been'* a  con- 
tinual betrayal  of  his  cause,  and  never  will  go  forth 
victorious,  attracting,  charming,  subduing  all  hearts  by 
its  beauty,  love,  sympathy,  sublimity,  till  they  are  effec- 
tually and  entirely  separated.  While  Christianity  is  made 
to  dance  attendance  on  kings,  to  aid  their  ambitious  pur- 
poses, to  subserve  their  designs  against  the  rights,  welfare 
and  dignity  of  man — while  mixed  up  with  their  policy, 
and  but  the  creature  of  their  will  and  power,  though 
she  may  lift  high  her  mitred  head  in  their  courts,  and 


'4 


ti 


63 


\ 


shine  as  bright  as  the  sun  in  iniperiaal  gems  and  robe9, 
her  true  glory  is  departed  ;  her  power  has  became  weak- 
ness, and  she  has  fallen.  The  kiss  of  Judas  was  em- 
blematic of  this  coalition  and  betrayal.  The  church 
and  the  world  met  together  and  kissed  each  other.  In 
that  kiss  was  poison  and  death ;  the  energies  of  the 
kingdom  that  bore  in  its  bosom  the  salvation  of  man, 
were  paralyzed  and  bound.  She  that  was  to  lead  cap- 
tivity captive,  is  herself  a  captive  ;  she  that  was  to  turn 
and  overturn  till  he,  whose  right  it  is  to  reign,  has  ac- 
cepted terms  of  capitulation,  thrown  down  her  arms, 
and  hushed  her  voice  of  censure  and  denunciation. 
She  speaks  only  in  silken  tones,  and  lies  quietly  in  the 
arms  of  the  wicked  one  she  was  sent  on  earth  to  subdue. 
From  that  time  the  triumphant  progress  of  Christianity 
was  stayed. 

When  she  ascended  the  throne  of  the  Ccesars,  she 
deserted  her  own.  "When  a  temporal  sceptre  was  placed 
in  her  hand,  she  let  fall  that  in  which  resided  a  portion 
of  omnipotence.  When  crowned  with  the  diadem  of 
earth  the  glory  of  the  Most  High  no  longer  irradiated 
her :  the  one  of  thorns  was  better. — Jesus  on  the  cross 
thrills  the  heart  of  the  world  ;  in  palaces,  clothed  in 
purple,  he  can  hardly  reach  it  by  the  feeblest  influence, 
and  is  nearly  or  quite  powerless.  If  Constantine  instead 
of  taking  the  church  under  his  protection,  and  loading 
it  with  wealth  and  favor,  had  kindled  the  fires  of  mar- 
tyrdom throughout  his  empire,  he  would  much  more 
effectually  consulted  its  true  interest.  What  propriety 
is  there  of  uniting:  it  to  the  state !    Is  it  not  sufficient 


63 


she 
aced 
irtion 
im  of 
iiated 

IcTOSS 

id  in 
|ence, 
tead 
iding 
mar- 
Imore 
iriety 
Icient 


unto  itself!  Has  it  not  within  itself  all  the  resources 
requisite  to  fulfil  its  mission  !  Can  it  not  stand  alone  I 
Why  lean  on  an  arm  of  flesh  while  that  of  the  Almighty 
is  stretched  forth  for  its  defence.  Why  look  for  human 
aid,  as  though  there  was  cause  to  fear  for  its  security  ? 
It  is  built  on  the  rock  of  ages!  what  need  then  of  the 
sandy  foundation  of  earth.  Are  not  their  proper  spheres 
different !  One  is  instituted  to  protect  man's  temporal 
interests,  the  other  to  promote  his  spiritual  welfare ;  one 
to  suppress  and  punish  crime,  the  other  to  subdue  pas- 
sion and  purify  the  heart ;  one  deals  with  external  acts, 
the  other  with  inward  feelings  and  motives;  one  labors 
to  conform  the  individual  to  positive  institutions,  the 
other  to  subdue  him  to  the  laws  of  conscience  and  holi- 
ness. One  strives,  by  its  threatened  evils  to  make  him 
a  contented  and  good  citizen  ;  the  other,  by  its  promises, 
and  mighty  influences,  to  make  him  a  happy  being — an 
heir  of  life. 

The  ends  therefore  proposed  to  be  effected  by  each 
being  so  diverse,  there  seems  much  impropriety  in  their 
union,  as  there  certainly  has  been  evil  and  misfortune 
proceeding  from  it.  Render  unto  Ctesar  his  due ;  but 
let  him  not  pervert  to  his  own  selfish  purposes  the  things 
of  God.  Let  him  not  seize  on  those  divine  truths  and 
influences  sent  on  earth  for  its  redemption  and  make 
them  contribute  to  its  bondage,  wrongs  and  degradation. 
What  perversion  !  The  institution  designed  to  reform, 
console  and  bless  man,  transformed  into  an  instrument 
of  despotism,  seduced  to  throw  a  mantle  of  sanctity  over 
the  enterprises  of  kingly  craf^  and  policy. 


i' 


G4 

This  union  has  filled  the  world  with  infidels  and 
scorners,  associated  the  Savior  with  the  scourgers  of 
mankind,  and  excited  against  his  religion  the  hatred  of 
millions.  Jesus  has  been  looked  upon  as  in  fellowship 
and  communion  with  tyrants,  lending  them  aid  in  their 
warfare  against  human  happiness,  freedom  and  rights ! 
Was  it  not  this  union  that  converted  France  into  a  nation 
of  iniidels  and  atheists  ?  To  gain  confidence  there  as 
an  honest  friend  of  the  people,  it  was  deemed  necessary 
to  declare  one's  self  an  enemy  of  Christ.  ,   .. 

To  gain  attention  as  a  philanthropist  it  was  necessary 
to  renounce  his  religion.  Not  without  reason  the  church 
was  deemed  the  most  formidable  obstacle  to  the  progress 
of  society,  to  the  attainment  of  human  freedom  and 
rights.  The  altar  and  the  throne  must  be  involved  in 
n  common  ruin.  Such  are  the  fruits  of  joining  together 
what  God  intended  should  be  kept  assunder.  The 
Church  and  State  must  be  divorced.  The  work  has 
begun  and  must  go  on.  The  Church  will  be  redeemed 
from  its  long  captivity,  take  its  appointed  position  in 
conflict  with  the  world  and  go  forth  once  more  conquer- 
ing and  to  conquer.  Then  will  return  the  days  of  the 
Most  High ;  then  the  power  of  the  Gospel  to  regenerate 
and  bless  and  save  will  be  revealed,  and  the  ministers 
of  Jesus  be  clothed  with  salvation  ;  and  the  hearts  of 
all  men  be  drawn  unto  him,  and  the  dark  clouds  of  cen* 
turies  be  broken  and  scattered.  The  necessity  of  this 
separation  is  felt  by  his  true  friends  every  where,  and 
they  are  preparing  themselves  for  the  battle.  Long  and 
firm  may  be,  must  be  the  struggle ;  but  that  success  will 
finally  attend  their  efforts  admits  not  a  doubt, 


65 


and 
will 


He  has  promised  to  be  with  his  faithful  ones  unto  the 
end  of  the  world,  and  he  surely  will  be  with  them  in 
their  toils,  sufferings  and  sacrifices  to  free  the  Church 
from  its  thraldom,  and  to  rescue  his  cause  from  subser- 
viency to  the  pride,  folly  and  ambition  of  its  rulers  and 
governments. 

Thomas  ond  Lincoln  could  hardly  have  considered 
themselves  and  countrymen  as  contending  against  that 
oppression  which  arises  directly  from  a  union  of  Church 
and  State,  for  their  ancestors  had  left  Eiigland  fo  avo  1 
it,  and  been  protected  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  them  ly 
their  charter  and  tlie  approbation  of  Oliver  Crcmwell,  as 
great  a  man  as  ever  swayed  the  sceptre  of  Er.vland. 
They  themselves  had  been  educated  in  these  principles, 
and  no  part  of  the  United  States  has  preserved  the  sim- 
plicity and  purity  of  Church  government,  together  with 
right  of  private  judgment  in  religious  concerns,  and  the 
sufficiency  of  the  Scriptures  in  every  thing  connected 
with  religion,  than  the  people  of  the  old  colony  of  Ply- 
mouth. How  then  must  these  good  men,  long  since 
ascended,  have  been  moved,  to  ha"?  known  that  the 
declaration  had  been  publicly  made  m  the  presence  of 
their  descendants,  and  by  a  prelate,  "  That  there  could 
not  be  a  church  without  a  bishop,"  and  that  bishop  to 
prove  his  regular  descent  from  Papal  Rome.  The  above 
incident  has  been  the  occasion  of  the  foregoing  remarks. 

But  to  return,  and  to  close — it  is  not  only  safe  to 
imitate  such  men  as  Thomas  and  Lincoln,  but  praise- 
worthy to  emulate  their  virtues  and  patriotism. 


f 


vi 

t.  ■ 


Lj  i  I 


is 


m 


",.  ,! 


COLONEL  THOMAS  KNOWLTON. 


Colonel  Knowlton  was  descended  of  respectable 
English  ancestors,  who  were  among  the  first  settlers  ot 
Massachusetts,  where  Thomas  was  born,  November, 
1740,  in  the  town  of  Boxford,  county  of  Essex ;  from 
whence  he  removed,  when  a  lad,  with  his  father,  to  the 
town  of  Ashford,  in  the  Province  of  Conneticut. 

Before  he  was  sixteen  years  of  age  he  enlisted  as  a 
private  soldier  in  the  Old  French  war,  and  continued  in 
the  army  between  three  and  four  years,  during  which 
time  he  was  promoted  to  the  respective  offices  of  Ser- 
geant, Ensign,  and  Lieutenant.  During  this  war  he 
was  engaged  in  several  close  actions,  h\  one  of  which  he 
came  in  contact,  hand  to  hand,  in  the  woodsj  with  a 
French  officer,  when  he  flung  down  his  musket  and 
closed  in  with  him,  they  both  fell,  the  Frenchman 
uppermost,  but  Knowlton  extricated  himself  and  suc- 
ceeded in  taking  the  life  of  his  adversary. 

He  was  in  the  action  of  August,  1758,  when  Major 
Rogers  in  command  of  five  hundred  Rangers,  British 
and  Provincials,  was  attacked  when  on  his  march  in  the 
w©ods,  by  an  equal  number  of  French  and  Indians. 
Rogers  in  his  account  of  the  battle,  says,  "  Major  Put 


67 


nam  being  in  front  of  his  men  when  the  fire  began,  the 
enemy  rushed  in,  took  him,  one  lieutenant,  and  two 
others  prisoners,  and  considerably  deranged  others  of 
the  party,  who  afterwards  rallied  and  did  good  service, 
particularly  Lieutenant  Durkee,  who,  notwithstanding 
his  wounds,  one  in  his  thigh  and  the  other  in  his  wrist, 
kept  in  the  action  the  whole  time,  encouraging  his  men 
with  great  resolution  and  earnestness.  In  short,  officers 
and  soldiers  throughout  the  detachment  behaved  with 
such  vigor  and  resolution,  as  in  one  hour's  time  broke 
the  enemy  and  obliged  them  to  retreat ;  we  kept  the 
field  and  buried  our  dead. 

When  the  battle  was  over,  we  had  missing  thirty- 
three  men.  The  enemy's  loss  was  two  hundred  and 
forty  killed  on  the  spot,  several  of  whom  were  Indians." 
In  this  action  Knowlton  belonged  to  Durkee's  party  of 
Provincials,  and  must  have  been  exposed  to  the  hottest 
fire  of  the  enemy. 

After  the  capture  of  Montreal  by  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst, 
in  1760,  which  closed  the  war  in  North  America,  on^e 
thousand  Connecticut  troops,  under  General  Lyman,  a 
brave  and  intelligent  officer,  went  to  the  seige  of  the 
Havanas,  which  surrendered  to  the  British  arms  in  the 
year  1762.  Lieutenant  Knowlton  was  with  Lyman  in 
this  expedition.  At  this  seige  there  v/as  much  blood 
shed,  but  the  Provincials  did  riut  arrive  'till  a  short  time 
before  the  surrender,  anrl  suffered  more  from  the  climate 
than  from  the  balls  of  the  Spaniards.  He  was  challeng- 
ed by  a  British  officer  on  his  way  home  from  the 
Havana,  in  consequence  of  words  spoken  in  a  trifling 


it 


■.V 

h 


I'':  4 


t'€ 


n:.i 


m 


} 


68 

conversation,  but  no  d^iel  ensued,  as  the  challenger  pro- 
posed an  adjustment  of  the  affair,  which  took  place 
before  they  landed,  satisfactorily  and  honorable  to 
Know!  ton. 

On  his  return  to  Ashford,  he  married  before  he  was 
twenty  years  old,  and  became  a  prosperous  farmer,  and 
at  an  unusually  early  age  he  became  one  of  the  fathers 
of  the  town,  a  select  man ;  in  which  occupation  and 
oflSce  the  battle  of  Lexington  found  him.  On  the  news 
of  this  event,  the  militia  company  of  Ashford,  immedi- 
ately assembled,  and  Knowlton  with  his  musket,  with 
them,  for  the  purpose  of  marching  to  the  American  camp 
at  Cambridge.  , 

They  were  destitute  of  a  captain,  and  by  a  unanimous 
vote  elected  Knowlton  to  the  vacant  oflSce,  which  he 
readily  and  cheerfully  accepted.  At  this  occurrence,  the 
mortification  of  the  Lieutenant  was  so  great  that  he 
declined  marching  with  the  company.  This  did  not 
arise  from  want  of  capacity  or  patriotism  on  the  part  of 
Lieutenant  Marcy,  but  the  greater  confidence  they  justly 
placed  in  Knowlton,  arising  from  his  former  services, 
which  they  must  have  well  known ;  and  they  had  good 
reason  to  believe  they  would  meet  something  very  differ- 
ent from  n^-^re  parade  or  children's  play  in  the  course  of 
the  expedition  they  were  undertaking. 

Knowlton  arrived  at  Cambridge  previous  to  the  battle 
of  Bunker's  Hill,  in  which  action  he  took  a  conspicuous 
part.  He  was  the  only  officer,  except  those  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, who  had  the  honor  to  march  with  the  gallant 
Colonel  Prescott,  on  the  evening  of  the  16th  of  June 


69 


ittle 
ous 
as- 
lant 
une 


1775,  to  take  possession  of,  occupy  and  defend  Banker's 
Hill.  He,  with  a  double  command  of  four  lieutenants 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  had  that  honor* 
although  the  youngest  captain  of  his  regiment. 

The  then  estimate  of  his  character  as  an  officer  and  a 
gentleman,  doubtless  procured  him  that  high  distinction. 
His  conduct  the  next  day  in  battle,  and  his  after  con- 
duct, during  his  short  military  career  of  fifteen  months, 
will  show  how  well  he  sustained  the  estimate  then 
formed  of  him. 

On  that  day,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  gallant 
Stark  with  the  New  Hampshire  line,  he  was  ordered  to 
take  post  at  the  extreme  left  of  the  rail  fence  towards 
the  Mistic  river ;  Stark  on  his  arrival  in  the  afternoon 
occupied  that  part  nearest  the  redoubt.  Here,  in  their 
several  positions,  Prescott,  Stark  and  Knowlton  fought 
the  battle  independently  of  each  other,  although  Prescott 
was  senior  and  defended  the  most  important  post.  Be- 
fore the  rail  fence,  the  two  first  attacks  of  the  enemy 
were  chiefly  made,  for  the  purpose  of  getting  in  the  rear 
of  Prescott  and  carrying  his  redoubt ;  and  here  they 
suffered  most  severely,  their  dead  covering  the  ground, 
and  lying,  as  Stark  often  said,  "  as  thick  as  sheep  in  a 
foal."  In  this  action  Knowlton  nobly  sustained  himself, 
and  lost  more  men  than  Prescott  or  Starke,  according  to 
the  number  he  commanded,  except  the  loss  sustained  by 
Prescott  when  retreating  from  the  redoubt,  when  stormed 
by  the  British  column  which  passed  round  on  both  sides 
of  the  redoubt,  giving  him  an  oblique  fire,  killing  more 

than  double  the  number  killed  in  the  action.  ^ 

6* 


1* 
4' 


- 


ro 

In  this  trying  situation,  Prescott  abandoned  his  post 
for  want  of  amunition,  and  support  from  his  countrymen 
on  Bunker's  Hill  within  six  hundred  yards  of  him,  and 
Stark  compelled  to  follow  him  from  the  same  cause, 
Knowlton  was  cool  and  self  possessed.  He  retreated 
with  young  troops,  in  good  order,  with  celerity  and 
safety;  the  enemy  being  unloaded  by  their  fire  on 
Prescott.  From  this  day  he  was  justly  considered  the 
first  officer  of  his  grade  in  the  army.  He  received  from 
a  gentleman  of  Boston,  whose  name  is  not  now  recol- 
lected, for  his  distinguished  gallantry  and  good  conduct 
at  Breed's  Hill^  a  gold  laced  kat^  an  elegant  sash^  and 
gold  breast  plate.  The  gold  breast  plate  is  now  in 
the  possession  of  a  descendant. 

Colonel  Aaron  Burr,  speaking  of  him,  some  few  years 
before  his  death,  said,  "  He  received  the  full  account  of 
this  battle  from  Knowlton's  own  mouth,  and  he  believed 
if  he  had  the  whole  direction  of  the  day,  it  would  have 
resulted  more  fortunately.  Its  being  objected  that  he 
should  not  be  placed  before  Prescott  and  Stark,  he 
observed  that  was  not  what  he  intended — but  that  an 
able  and  eflScient  officer  was  wanting  to  superintend  the 
whole,  as  they,  as  well  as  Knowlton  had  their  particular 
posts  to  defend  ;  and  a  great  fault  rested  somewhere  for 
not  supporting  them."  It  being  then  observed  that  the 
rapidity  of  his  promotion  indicated  his  merit,  he  replied, 
*'  it  was  impossible  to  promote  such  an  officer  too  rap- 
idly." It  has  been  justly  said  of  those  troops  which 
could  be  induced  to  take  part  in  the  action  that  day — 
"H'he  military  annals  of  the  word  rarely  furnish  an 


an 


achievement  which  equals  the  firmness  and  courage  dis- 
played on  that  proud  day  by  the  gallant  band  of  Ameri- 
cans; and  it  certaifilv  stands  first  in  the  brilliant  events 
of  our  war.  W  future  generations  shall  inqu.e 
where  are  the  men  \.  o  gained  the  highest  prize  of  glory 
in  the  arduous  contest  which  ushered  in  our  nation's 
birth,  upon  Prescott  and  his  companions  in  arms  will 
the  eye  of  history  beam." 

Soon  after  this  action  Captain  Knowlton  was  promo- 
ted to  a  majority,  in  which  capacity  he  served  during 
the  seige  of  Boston,  increasing  in  the  esteem  of  his  com- 
patriots in  arms,  and  the  confidence  of  the  Commander 
in  Chief.  *'  On  the  8th  day  of  January,  [1776]  it  having 
been  determined  to  deprive  the  British  of  the  houses  in 
Charlestown,  below  Bunker's  hill,  a  detachment  was 
ordered  for  the  purpose.  One  hundred  men  from  the 
first  brigade,  a  like  number  from  Frye's  brigade,  with 
Captains  Williams,  Gould  and  Wyman ;  Lieutenants 
Foster,  Shaw,  Patterson  and  Trafton,  and  Ensign 
Cheny ;  the  whole  under  the  command  of  Major  Knowl- 
ton, aided  by  Brigade  Majors  Henly  and  Carey. 

The  detachment  marched  between  •  ;ht  and  nine 
o'clock  in  the  e  ycning,  and  the  object  was  effected  with- 
out the  loss  of  a  man.  Several  British  soldiers  were 
taken  prisoneri?.  The  rgrrison  of  Bunker's  Hill  works, 
commenced  a  brisk  fire  down  th  hill,  towards  th*^ 
houses  but  no  damage  was  sustained.'' 

Only  those  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  Bunker's 
Hill  and  the  places  adjacent,  at  the  time  of  this  expedi- 
tion, can  fully  understand  General  Heath  in  his  above 


Pi 


7% 


description,  and  the  danger  and  delicacy  of  the  opfirarion 

assigned  Major  Kdowlton.    Knowlton  had  to  pass  tiom 

the  main  land  in  Charlestown,  over  the  r.ris  k  or  low 

grounds  and  mill  dams  to  this  hiil,  panly  beU>w   and 

around  it   and  its   garrison  ;  to  iir^i  msny  scattering 

houses,  seventeen  in  the  who'r*,  and  so  to  conduct  and 

dispose  his  force  as  to  secure  a  snfe  retreat,  in  a  very 

dark  night,  at  a  time   when    ihe  greater  part  of  tbo 

Briiinb  army  were  cantoned  on  Bunker's  Hill.     3oth 

objects  were  completely  effected  under  a  brisk  fire  from 

the  enerciy'v,  batteries,  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

Lienttii*;it  Trafton,  of  the   party,   observed    many 

years  aflt-r,  '•  that  it  was  considered  at  the  thne  an  opera- 

iion  of  great  hazard,  especially  in  securing  a  retreat ;  but 

we  had  entire  confidence  in  the  officer  commanding,  that 

he  could  effect  it  if  any  officer  in  the  array  could  do  it. 

Per  myself,  I  had  determined,  rather  than  fail  in  the  part 

assigned  me — the  burning  of  certain  designated  houses 

--r-to  lose  my  life ;  for  our  regiment  was  disgraced,  on 

the  day  of  Breed's  Hill  battle,  by  the  conduct  of  our 

colonel,  and  I  would  not  survive  a  personal  disgrace." 

Lieutenant  Trafton  was  afterwards  promoted,  and  served 

through  the  war  with  the  reputation  of  a  brave  and  good. 

officer. 
"  On  the  evening  when  Major  Knowlton  set  fire  to 

the  houses  in  Charlestown,  the  farce  of  the  "  Blockade 
of  Bosion,^^  of  which  General  Burgoyne  '  v  ^\s  the  reputed 
author,  was  performed.  The  figure  <  •  gned  to  bur- 
lesque Gener-^l  Washington  was  ^^r^ss^  ^  .a  an  uncouth 


'•■(.'  ; 


11 


uth 


73 

style,  with  a  large  wig  and  long  rusty  sword,  attended 
by  an  orderly  sergeant  in  his  country  dress,  having  on 
his  shoulder  an  old  rusty  gun  seven  or  eight  feet  long. 
At  the  moment  this  figure  appeared  on  the  stage,  one  of 
the  regular  seargents  came  running  on  the  stage,  threw 
down  his  bayonet,  and  exclaimed,  "  The  yankees  are 
attacking  our  works  on  Bunker'' s  Hillj^  Those  of  the 
audience  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  different  partsi 
supposed  that  this  belonged  to  the  farce;  but  when 
General  Howe  called  out,  "  Officers  to  your  alarm 
postSf'  they  were  undeceived ;  all  was  confusion  and 
dismay ;  and  among  the  ladies,  shrieking  and  fainting^ 
ensued." 

After  Washington  obtained  possession  of  Boston,  and 
the  army  removed  to  New  York,  Kn  owl  ton  was  promo- 
ted to  a  Lieutenant  Colonelcy.  At  all  times  enjoying  the 
entire  confidence  of  his  commander ;  who,  when  wish- 
ing to  obtain  an  oflScer  to  pass  from  New  York  to  Long 
Island,  to  gain  accurate  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  forces 
and  situation  in  that  quarter,  consulted  with  Knowlton 
on  the  subject.  The  wishes  of  the  Commander-in-chief 
vrf'e  made  known  by  him  to  a  number  of  oflficers,  with- 
ouv  on  his  part,  using  any  arguments  for  or  against  their 
undertaking  it.  This  duty,  no  doubt,  was  performed  by 
him  in  accordance  with  the  previously  received  instruc- 
ticns  of  WasLngton.  Captain  Nathan  Hale  of  the  Con- 
necticut liiiG,  'A  young  gentleman  of  education  and  great 
promise,  of  his  own  mer^  notion,  undertook  it ;  was  cap- 
tured by  the  enemy  and  executed  as  a  spy.  Congress 
have  recently  erected  a  monument  to  his  memory.    In 


i  i 


If 


^<.\ 


74 


the  unfortunate  and  disastrous  battle  of  Brooklyn  Heights 
Knowlton  by  great  effort  and  good  fortune  gained  the 
American  camp  before  the  enemy  with  an  overpowering 
force  closed  upon  the  American  rear,  thereby  saving  him- 
self and  his  co.nmand  from  being  made  prisoners  with 
General  Sullivan  and  Lord  Sterling.  The  American 
troops  were  now  withdrawn  from  Long  and  Governors 
Islands,  and  in  a  few  days  New  York  city  evacuated,  in 
a  manner  which  shew  they  were  overcome  with  their 
fears.  On  this  occasion  Washington's  mortification  was 
extreme,  and  his  com-patriot  Greene  said  of  him,  "  He 
appeared  to  seek  death  rather  than  life."  In  this  condi- 
tion of  the  American  army  a  halt  was  made  at  Harlem 
Heights  and  the  Commander-in-chief  regained  his  eqni- 
nimity,  although  the  British  in  his  front  reached  from 
the  East  to  the  North  River,  across  the  whole  Island  of 
New  York.  The  night  after  the  re.treat,  Knowlton  at 
the  head  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Rangers  was  ordered 
to  guard  the  American  camp,  and  by  his  vigilance  pre- 
vent the  approach  of  the  enemy  unnoticed.  The  next 
morning,  he  commenced  skirmishing  with  the  enemy, 
the  Commander-in-chief  immediately  rode  to  the  advan- 
ced posts  of  the  army,  in  order  to  make  in  person,  such 
arrangements  as  this  movement  might  require.  Receiv- 
ing from  Knowlton  the  probable  numbers  and  position  of 
the  enemy, immediately  reinforced  him  withapartof  a  Vir- 
ginia regiment  under  Major  Leach,  directed  him  to  gain 
their  rear,  while  he  amused  them  with  the  appearance  of 
making  disposition  to  attack  them  in  front.  The  plan 
succeeded,  but  Knowlton  not  knowning  the  precise  situ- 


an 
tu- 


75 

ation  of  the  enemy,  commmenced  his  attack,  rather  on 
their  flank  than  rear,  when  a  very  warm  action  ensued. 
In  a  short  time  Leach  was  carried  from  the  ground  mor- 
tally wounded,  and  soon  after  Knowlton  fell.  The  ac- 
tion was  continued  by  the  Captains  with  great  animation 
who  were  re-inforced,  but  to  prevent  a  general  engage- 
ment Washington  recalled  his  troops  to  their  entrench- 
ments. The  British  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was 
more  than  double  that  sustained  by  the  Americans. 
Knowlton  was  the  senior  officer  on  the  ground,  he  was 
conscious  that  his  wound  was  mortal  from  the  moment 
he  received  it,  for  to  a  soldier  near  him,  who  offered  his 
assistance,  he  said,  "  Continue  to  do  your  duty  in  the 
action  for  you  can  do  me  no  good."  He  was  carried 
from  the  field  in  a  waggon,  and  died  in  about  cp.  hour; 
in  this  time  Washington  saw  him — ^regretted  hi  situ-i- 
tion  and  commended  him  for  his  gallantry  and  good  • 
duct  on  all  occasions.  What  a  moment  for  the  death  ot 
a  hero  !  assured  of  victory  and  the  sincere  condolence 
and  approbation  of  such  a  man  as  Washington,  the  im- 
mortal Wolf  might  have  envied  him  such  a  death.  In 
general  orders  the  next  day,  September  ITth,  Washing- 
ton says,  "  The  General  most  heartily  thanks  the  troops 
commanded  yesterday  by  Major  Leach,  who  fin  ^  UAan- 
ced  upon  the  enemy,  and  the  others  who  resolutely  sup- 
ported ihem.  Their  behaviour  yesterday  was  such  a 
contrast  to  that  of  some  of  the  troops  the  day  before,  as 
must  show  what  may  be  done  when  officers  and  soldiers 
ey  ..hemselves.  Once  more,  therefore,  the  General 
calU  upon  officers  and  men  to  act  up  to  the  noble  cause; 


I  : 


m 


76 


in  which  they  are  engaged,  and  to  support  the  honor  and 
Jberties  of  tlvr  .a>-  ry.  The  gallant  and  brave  Col- 
onel Know  Hon,  ^/l.io  would  have  been  an  honor  to  any 
country,  having  fallen  yesterday  while  gloriously  fight- 
ing, Captain  Brown  is  to  take  command  of  the  party  late- 
ly led  by  Colonel  Knowlton."  Washington,  in  a  letter  to 
the  President  of  Con{;res»  ot  the  iSth  of  September  reit- 
e-  '  ?s  his  high  opinion  of  Knowlton.  .    ?  <*  v 

In  his  person  Colonel  Knowlton  was  near  or  quite  six 
Ic'.ct  high,  erect  and  elegant  in  form,  made  for  activity 
rather  than  strength.  His  education  was  respectable, 
although  not  collegiate.  Pleasing  in  his  address  he  nev- 
er failed  of  making  himself  acceptable  to  those  with  whom 
he  associated. 

He  never  lessened  his  character  by  ostentati^  i  or  self- 
complacency ;  and  all  cheerfully  granted  him  the  ap- 
plause due  to  his  merit.  Always  to  be  found  where  the 
battle  raged,  pressing  into  close  action.  An  old  soldier 
who  served  under  him,  said, "  The  Colonel  was  the 
mildest  man  he  ever  knew;  nothing  of  a  rough  or 
harsh  natur  *,  ever  rassed  h^s  lips,  so  that  he  was  univer- 
sally respected  by  those  under  his  command,  as  well  as 
by  those  associated  with  him  in  command."  He  left  a 
widow  and  eight  children,  ail  of  whom  were  respectable 
in  society.  His  oldest  son  Frederick,  was  with  him 
when  he  was  shot,  and    ied  vithin  a  few  years  past. 

Sixty-eight  years  ha,  j  cla^  sed  since  the  death  of  this 
great  and  good  man,  who  would  have  been  an  ornament 
to  any  country  ;  and  what  has  been  done  by  his  country 
in  justice  to  themselves,  and  in  honor  of  his  memory  ? 


s 
n 
n 


Y 

fe 


[his 

lent 

try 


77 

Nothing.  His  remains  are  interred  within  the  city  of 
New- York,  and  the  place  where,  not  difficult  to  be  ascer- 
tained, even  at  this  late  day.  Have  the  United  States, 
in  whose  service  he  fell — the  State  of  Connecticut,  whose 
favorite  son  he  was — or  the  City  of  New- York,  on  whose 
soil  he  bled,  ever  thought  of  erecting  even  a  slab  to  his 
memory?  We  are  compelled  to  give  the  mortifying 
negative  to  this  inquiry.* 

•Since  writing  the  above,  the  HiBtorical  Society  of  the  City  of  New- 
York  have  appointed  a  Committee,  to  ascertain  where  Knowlton 
fell,  with  the  design  of  doing  sometliing  in  honor  of  hig  memory. 


V     'fl   Mpi.l!  'j/   ;.)  '•;;,■    \,.V    /;i   ',  ■ 


.  i  .f  , , 


.  :  '  Mt  , . 


•  W  ill   ;:■'••  ■ 


>      i    ,       <, 


;l»      .<>:,i\yif^ 


I  ■  • 


ALEXANDER  SCAMMELL. 


I 

I  'i.t/V 


.1-1     .'^ 


Ml.      !l' 


.J-N  ;• 


Mm    ',    ) '  I 


Doctor  Sftmuel  Leslie  Scammeli,  (he  father  of 
Alexander,  arrived  at  Boston  from  Portsmouth,  England, 
in  the  year  1738,  and  settled  in  that  part  of  Mendon  now 
Milford,  Worcester  county,  Massachusetts :  Dr.  Scammoll 
had  two  sons,  Samuel  Leslie,  born  in  1739,  and  Alex- 
ander born  in  1744,  and  died  in  1763,  aged  forty-five ; 
leaving  his  two  sons  in  charge  and  under  the  care  and 
guidance  of  the  Reverend  Amariuh  Frost  of  Mendon, 
the  elder  until  ho  was  qualillcd  for  the  study  of  Physic, 
the  younger  until  he  was  fitted  to  enter  college. 

Mr.  Frost  was  a  most  worthy  Congregational  minister 
and  able  instructor.  He  died  at  an  advanced  age  in 
1792,  after  having  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his 
wards  distinguished  in  their  respective  professions,  and 
at  all  times,  with  their  friends,  acknowledging  their 
obligations  to  him  for  his  fidelity  to  them,  and  his  purity 
of  character,  and  ability  as  a  religious  teacher. 

When  the  contest  for  self-government  was  approaching, 
no  safer  or  more  suitable  instructor  could  be  found  than 
an  educated  New  England  clergyman.  Alexander  tho 
subject  of  this  notice,  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in 


99 


1760,  frotn  whence  lio  went  to  tho  county  of  riymoi;tii 
And  tnught  school  in  tlu)  towns  ni'  Kingtitrui  nnd  Ply< 
mouth.  In  thu  sntno  year  v^un  IbrrniHl,  by  tho  dasoundnnts 
of  thu  ljr»t  Hottlors  of  IMyniouth,  Ismc  liOthrop,  Pulhaui 
Winslaw,  Thomas  JiOthrop,  Elkanuh  Cushinan,  John 
ThoniaN,  Edward  Winslaw  Jr.,  and  John  Watson, 
The  Old  Colony  Club.  Tho  sanio  year  on  tho  2'2d 
4ay  of  Doconiber,  was  ceUtbratcd,  for  the  iirst  time,  the 
Janding  of  our  forufatliorH,  and  in  the  uvcning  tho  club, 
with  invited  guusts,  not  momborti,  joined  the  chib«  among 
whom,  wore  tho  two  grammar  school mnstors,  Alexander 
iScammoU  and  Poleg  Waduworth.  Scanmioll  and  Wads- 
worth  woru  classmutos  at  Harvard.  Gon.  Wadsworth, 
lato  of  Portland,  Maine,  was  an  active  and  bruvo  ofllccr 
of  tho  revolution,  and  for  many  ycarM  after  tho  war,  an 
upright  and  intulli/^cnt  tnombor  of  (jungress.  , 

■  In  the  year  1770,  Scaumiell  and  Wadsworth  both 
Attended  tho  anniversary  of  tho  club,  by  invitation,  " 
neither  of  them  appear  to  have  boon  members,  'a  ' 
celebration  was  concluded  in  the  evening,  by  singit  '\ 
song  composed  by  Mr.  ScammelL.  In  1771,  Mr.  Sc.  rt 
xnell,  was,  by  his  desire,  unanimously  voted  in  a  member 
of  the  club. 

In  1772,  he  repaired  to  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  whero 
under  tho  auspices  of  a  cousin  of  liis  name  in  the 
employment  of  tho  government,  he  entered  upon  tho 
business  of  surveying  and  cxploriijg  lands  and  of  tho 
royal  navy  timber.  In  tlio  interval  of  suspended  occu- 
pation^ ho  kept  school  a  short  time  at  Berwick.  He  was 
one  of  the  proprietors  of  the  town  of  Shaplcigh,  Maine, 


I 


II 


s 


II 


m 


80 

and  Clerk  of  that  Association.  He  assisted  Captain 
Holland  in  making  surveys  for  his  map  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. About  this  time,  lie  appears  to  be  serving  on 
board  the  sloop  of  war  Lord  Chatham,  bound  from 
Piscataqua  river  to  Boston,  to  send  despatches,  plans  and 
reports  to  the  lords  of  the  Treasury.  This  vessel  mounted 
several  swivels,  and  carried  small  arms,  and  her  place 
of  rendezvous  was  Falmouth,  now  Portland.  Previous 
to  the  revolution  he  entered  on  the  study  of  the  law  with 
General  Sullivan  of  Durham,  N.  H.,  whom  ho  styles, 
"an  excellent  instructor  and  worthy  patron."  His 
worthy  patron  was  a  member  of  the  Congress  of  1774 
and  5,  and  the  latter  year  was  appointed  a  brigadier 
general  by  that  Congress.  > 

Gen.  Sullivan  on  accepting  this  appointment,  would 
have  been  more  than  willing  that  Mr.  Scammell  should 
have  remained  in  his  office  and  taken  charge  of  his  legal 
business,  which  was  extensive  and  lucrative.  But  when 
a  whole  people  rose  and  took  arms  to  claim  and  defend 
the  right  of  self-government,  a  mind  like  Scammell's 
must  have  been  elevated  to  grandeur  in  such  a  cause, 
and  to  have  remained  shut  up  in  a  law  office,  almost 
within  sound  of  the  enemy's  artillery  at  Boston,  would 
have  been  annihilation  to  him.  He  immediately  joined 
the  army  at  C  .nbridge,  and  was  appointed  Brigade 
Major  to  Sullivan's  Brigade.  In  this  capacity  he  served 
during  the  siege  of  Boston,  without  any  opportunity 
offering  in  which  he  Oi  the  Brigade  were  particularly 
distinguished.     He  served  with  the  Brigade  in  1776 


SI 


find  partook  of  all  the  disasters  of  the  army  in  and 
about  New- York. 

Sullivan  had  been  promoted  previous  to  the  defeat  of 
the  army  at  Brooklyn,  and  whether  Scammell  was 
•altached  to  his  division  at  that  time  is  not  known,  but  it 
is  certain  he  was  not  taken  prisoner  with  him  on  that 
occasion.  About  this  time  he  was  promoted  and  attached 
to  Lee's  division  and  independant  command  before  the 
close  of  the  year,  and  the  movements  of  Lee  at  this 
time,  will  be  here  mentioned,  as  Scammell's  situation  as 
Adjutant  General  gave  him  a  perfect  insight  into. the 
intentions  of  that  erratick  man,  but  able  general. 

As  soon  as  it  was  ascertained  tbr\t  General  Carleton 
had  abandoned  all  hostile  intentions  against  Crown 
Point,  and  gone  into  winter  quarters,  in  the  month  of 
October,  Gates  dismissed  his  militia,  left  Co!.  Wayne  at 
Ticonderoga,  repaired  with  his  army  to  Albany,  where 
he  received  the  order  of  Schuyler  to  reinforce  General 
Washington.  A  part  of  this  force,  Gen.  St.  Clair's  com- 
mand, was  directed  to  join  Washington,  but  were  inter- 
ce^^^d  by  Lee  and  ordered  to  join  his  division.  Lee  at 
this  time  was  determined  to  increase  his  forces  so  as  to 
be  able  to  strike  a  successful  blow  on  some  of  the  enemy's 
cantonments,  and  not  unite  with  Washington,  as  repeat- 
edly ordered.  He  ordered  Heath,  who  commanded  in 
the  Highlands,  to  detach  the  better  part  of  his  forces,  and 
place  them  under  his  command,  which  was  refused,  as 
contrary  to  his  written  orders  from  the  commander-in- 
chief.  Lee  ordered  Scammell,  to  perform  this  duty,  and 
he  would  have  been   obeyed  but  for  the  timely  and 


I!" 


f  -i^ 


m 


62 

prudent  interference  of  Gov.  Clinton.  Lee  moved  hi,a 
force  to  Baskingridge,near  Morristovvn.  HereM  tj  r  Wil- 
kinson, on  his  way  from  Gates  to  Washington  walled  on 
him  and  shew  him  Gates'  letter  to  Washington.  Here 
he  was  called  on  by  Scammell  from  Gen.  Sullivan,  who 
was  encamped  with  the  troops  for  orders  of  march  on 
the  13th  of  December,  1776 ;  Lee  hesitated,  asked  for  the 
manuscript  map  of  the  country,  which  was  produced 
and  spread  upon  the  table ;  Lee  traced  with  his  finger 
the  route  to  Princeton ;  after  a  close  inspection  said  to 
Scammell,  "  Tell  Gen.  Sullivan  to  march  down  towards 
Pluckamin,  that  I  soon  will  be  with  him."  This  was 
off  the  route  he  had  been  ordered  to  take,  and  directly 
on  that  towards  Brunswick  and  Princeton,  combine 
these  circumstances  with  his  letter  to  Gen.  Gates,  which 
was  written  that  morning,  and  we  have  a  clue  to  his 
views  and  designs.  The  letter  was  borne  off  by  Major 
Wilkinson,  unfolded,  to  Sullivan,  and  is  as  follows  : — 


Baskingridge,  Dec.  13ifA,  1776, 
My  Dear  Gates, 
,  The  ingenious  manoeuvre  of  Fort  Washington 

has  unhinged  the  goodly  fabric  we  had  been  building. 
There  never  was  so  damned  a  stroke.  Entre  nous,  a 
certain  great  man  is  most  damnably  deficient.  He  has 
thrown  me  into  a  situation,  where  1  have  a  choice  of 
difficulties ;  if  I  stay  in  this  province,  I  risk  myself  and 
army ;  and  if  I  do  not  stay,  the  province  is  lost  forever. 
I  have  neither  guides,  cavalry,  medicines,  money,  shoes 
or  stockings.    I  must  act  with  greatest  circumspection. 


83 


Tories  are  in  my  front,  rear,  and  on  my  flanks ;  the  mass 
of  the  people  is  strongly  contaminated ;  in  short,  unless 
something,  which  1  do  not  expect,  turns  up  we  are  lost ; 
our  counsels  have  been  weak  to  the  last  degree.  As  to 
what  relates  to  yourself,  if  you  think  you  can  be  in  time 
to  aid  the  General,  I  would  have  you  by  all  means ; 
you  will  at  least  save  your  army.  It  is  said  that  the 
Whigs  are  determined  to  set  fire  to  Philadelphia ;  if 
they  strike  this  decisive  stroke,  the  day  will  be  our  own ; 
but  unless  it  is  done,  all  chance  of  liberty  in  any  part  of 
the  globe  is  forever  vanished.  Adieu  my  dear  friend ! 
God  bless  you ! 

CHARLES  LEE." 


is,  a 
has 
of 
land 
rer. 
Loes 
Ion. 


At  the  moment  this  letter  was  finished  Lee  was  sur- 
rounded by  the  enemy's  horse,  commanded  by  Col. 
Harcourt  and  captured  with  his  aid.  Wilkinson  escaped 
by  secreting  himself  in  the  house.  Lee  had  not  break- 
fasted, although  it  was  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  having 
been  detained  in  writing  the  above  letter  and  a  an 
altercation  with  certain  militia  corps,  particularly  the 
Connecticut  light  horse,  and  ihe  call  of  ScammelL  Lee*^ 
was  hurried  off,  bare-headed,  in  his  slippers,  blanket 
coat  and  collar  open.  The  capture  of  Lee,  at  the  tim-?, 
was  felt  as  a  public  calamity,  and  cast  a  gloom  over  the 
country.  He  merited  severe  punishment  for  his  neglect 
of  duty  and  disobedience  of  orders,  and  received  it  from 
an  unexpected  hand.  His  offence  was  well  understood 
in  the  army,  and  his  misfortune  unpitied  by  those  who 
reflected  on  the  cause  of  it.    The  tenor  of  Lee's  letter 


^1 


^1 


HI 


§ 


t»  Crates  convicted  him  of  discontent,  insubordination 
and  disrespect  to  Washington,  but  might  have  saved  him 
from  the  suspicion  of  defection  to  the  cause  he  had 
espoused. 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  Lee  had  come  to  the 
deliberate  determination  to  violate  his  orders,  trust  to  his 
fortune,  and  hazard  his  fame  on  the  issue  of  some  bold 
enterprise.  The  officers  about  him  believed  that  if  Lee 
had  not  been  made  prisoner,  he  would  have  attacked 
the  British  post  at  Princeton  the  next  morning,  where 
the  superiority  of  his  force  would  have  insured  him  suc- 
cess. He  had  reduced  himself  to  the  dilemma  of  abiding 
the  sentence  of  a  general  court  martial,  for  disobedience 
of  peremptory  orders,  or  by  some  daring  and  brilliant 
exploit  excited  such  popular  applause  as  would  not  only 
justify  his  offence,  but  give  him  the  chief  command. 
Sullivan  on  the  receipt  of  the  intelligence  of  Lee's  cap- 
ture, immediately  directed  Scammell  to  alter  the  route 
of  the  army,  so  as  to  gain  Washington  without  unne- 
cessary loss  of  time.  This  was  done  in  time  for  him 
and  his  division  to  take  part  in  the  battle  of  Trenton 
and  Princeton  a  few  days  after.  Gates'  division  joined 
Washington,  but  he  left  the  army  without  the  /  :<>vvledge 
or  permission  of  Washington  before  the  battles  c^  Tretilon. 
It  will  be  seen  that  Wilkinson  has  been  relied  on 
principally  for  the  above  facts,  and  v^ill  be  further  made 
use  of,  with  this  acknowledgment.  In  this  gloomy 
period  of  the  revolutionary  con  -^,  it  is  impossible  to 
pass  unnoticed  the  American  Chiel.  "  Born  with  iron 
nerves,  and  an  unbending  dignity  of  port,  which  distin- 


Ige 
^on, 

on 
lade 
|my 
to 

ron 

tin- 


grirjfie'*  till  his  SLCtima,  eniS  ntmtk  the  most  presumptuous 
with  iiWP ;  amidst  these  scenet ,  he  was  serene,  tranquil 
and  self-possessed,  exciting  the  adr/rration  of  his  fol- 
lowers, and  exhibiting  the  example  of  a  chief  determined 
to  brave  danger  and  dare  death  in  support  of  a  just  cause ; 
whilst  the  invincible  firmness  of  Congress,  exhibited  the 
rare  example  of  a  popular  assembly,  united  in  principle, 
inflexible  in  purpose,  and  regardless  of  consequences. 
Not  to  one  man  then,  but  to  auch  a  Congress  and  such 
ii  Chief,  supported  by  a  handful  of  brave  men  who  ad- 
hered to  the  cause  of  their  country,  are  these  United 
States  indebted  for  the  cheap  purchase  of  their  liberty 
and  independence." 

No  American  should  ever  forget,  that  when  our  chief 
was  deserted  by  his  first  and  second  in  command,  Lee 
and  Gates,  the  former  able  and  brave,  the  latter  proud 
and  vain,  but  both  determined  to  disgrace  him,  and  both 
foreign  military  adventurers,  then  was  he  nobly  supported 
by  real  Americans,  Sullivan,  Greene,  Mercer,  Knox, 
Stark,  Scammell,  and  mr^ny  others  equally  brave  md 
patriotic.  And  when  Washington  had  determined  to 
risk  his  life  on  the  issue  of  his  move  upon  Trenton,  his 
army  as  nobly  supported  as  he  led.  This  should  be  a 
standing  lesson  to  this  country,  never  to  place  its  des- 
tinies in  the  hands  of  foreigners,  or  suffer  them  to  hold 
high  places  either  in  the  civil  or  njlits^y  department. 
The  above  is  the  more  minutely  narrated,  because 
Scammell  was  in  all  these  movf^rrients,  the  severest  and 
most  gloomy  time  of  the  rorolution,  both  as  to  suffering 
and  action. 


■'fm 


8ft 


m 

m^ 


Acting  always  with  the  main  army  or  its  great  divi- 
sions, few  materials  respecting  hin^  as  an  individual  are 
now  left.  And  most  of  those  few,  his  correspondence 
with  his  brother  and  relatives  daring  the  war,  were 
many  years  ago  handed  to  a  gentleman  in  Boston,  with 
the  design  of  writing  his  memoir,  who  was  fully  com- 
petent to  the  performance,  but  whose  death  prevented 
the  completion  of  the  task  he  had  assumed.  This  cor- 
respondence has  never  been  recovered,  and  is  now  irre- 
coverably lost.  This  correspondence  might  now  be  of 
great  interest,  as  his  situation  of  adjutant  general  gave 
him  an  opportunity  of  being  acquainted  with  the  secret 
springs  of  all  the  movements  in  the  army,  and  had 
prudence  permitted  him  to  have  communicated  them,  as 
in  many  instances  it  might,  its  value  must  be  seen  and 
appreciated.  •      .  ,  , 

In  the  campaign  of  1777,  he  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  first  regiment  in  the  New-Hampshire  line,  at 
Ticonderoga,  under  General  St.  Clair  and  the  Brigade 
commanded  by  General  Poor.  In  the  retreat  of  the 
army  from  that  fortress  to  Saratoga,  he  partook  of  all  its 
fatigues,  deprivations  and  mortifications.  In  the  first 
action  against  Burgoyne,  fought  by  detached  regiments, 
no  general  officer  being  on  the  field,  commenced  by 
Dearborn's  light  infantry  and  Morgan's  riflemen,  Scam- 
mell  was  closely  engaged  and  wounded.  After  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne,  Poor's  Brigade  to  which  Scam- 
mell  was  attached,  was  ordered  down  the  river  to  oppose 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  who  had  captured  forts  Montgomery 
and  Clinton,  and  was  making  further  depredations  on 


tiead 
at 
grade 
the 

mts 

first 
mts, 
by 
am- 
the 
am- 
ose 
ery 
on 


87 

the  Hudson,  but  before  its  arrival  Clinton  had  retired  to 
New- York.  From  thence  Poor's  Brigade  and  other 
troops  were  ordered  by  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  had  been 
dispatched  from  Philadelphia  by  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  for  the  express  purpose,  to  join  him.  This  order 
was  not  obeyed  by  the  general  commanding  in  the  High- 
lands, so  that  Poor  and  the  other  reinforcements  did  not 
reach  Washington  in  season  to  operate  against  Howe 
and  compel  him  to  surrender  his  army,  as  would  have 
been  the  case,  in  all  human  probability,  had  these  rein- 
forcements arrived  in  season,  as  ordered.  This  made  a 
deep  impression  on  the  mind  of  Washington,  and  by 
letter  of  November  19th  1777,  he  says  to  the  general 
commanding  in  the  Highlands,  '*  I  could  wish  that  in 
future  my  orders  may  be  immediately  complied  with, 
without  arj-uing  upon  the  propriety  of  them.  If  any 
accident  ensues  from  obeying  them,  the  fault  will  be 
upon  me  and  not  upon  you,"  The  army  was  encamped 
in  the  vicinity  of  Philadelphia  the  ensuing  winter,  when 
Scammell  was  appointed  adjutant  general,  Colonel  Pick- 
ering having  been  promoted  to  the  office  of  quarter 
master  general.  From  this  time  to  1781,  he  continued 
in  this  office,  and  identified  in  all  the  movements  of  the 
main  army.  In  the  month  of  June  1778,  the  army  left 
its  cantonment  and  commenced  pursuit  of  Sir  H.  Clinton, 
whose  object  was  New- York  city.  Clinton's  march  v/as 
not  a  hurried  one,  for  he  consumed  eight  days  in  gaining 
forty  miles,  thereby  embarrassing  Washington  by  keeping 
him  in  ignorance  of  the  route  he  would  finally  take. 
In  this  long  march  and  subsequent  battle  at  Monmouth, 


I 


I 


8& 


Scammell  performed  all  the  duties  of  his  important  and 
responsible  office  to  the  entire  approbation  of  the  com- 
mander, and  every  individual  in  the  army,  for  no  one 
ever  held  that  office,  who  was  more  beloved  and 
respected. 

After  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  he  was  directed  by  the 
commander-in  chief,  to  place  his  old  General,  Lee,  under 
arrest.  The  opinion  of  the  army  was  divided  as  to  the 
guilt  of  Lee  on  the  charges  preferred  against  him,  except 
his  disrespect  to  Washington.  He  might  have  been 
acquitted  of  the  others  had  not  Washington  been  con- 
sidered the  complainant.  This  is  rendered  probable 
from  the  division  in  Congress  on  its  approval  of  the 
sentence  of  the  court  martial,  only  seven  states  voting 
for  approval.  It  seems  at  this  day  strange  that  so  intel- 
ligent a  court  should  have  found  the  facts  they  did,  and 
rendered  the  judgment  of  suspension  for  one  year  there- 
on ;  v/hen  from  the  then  existing  rules  and  articles  of 
war,  he  should  have  been  shot.  Scammell  did  express  the 
opinion,  in  presence  of  many  of  the  officers  of  the  army, 
that  Washington  never  had  so  fair  an  opportunity  of  gain- 
ing as  decisive  a  victory  over  the  enemy  as  at  Monmouth, 
had  Lee  done  his  whole  duty.  This  opinion,  no  doubt 
correct,  had  grea*,  weight  in  the  army,  and  preponderated 
heavily  against  Lee.  The  main  army  in  the  years  1779 
and  1780,  were  in  a  good  measure  inactive,  and  gave 
time  for  them  to  consider  and  muse  over  their  future 
prospects.  Scammell  in  the  few  letters  of  his  which 
remain  and  are  to  be  found,  addressed  to  Colonel  Pea- 
body,  a  member  of  Congress  from  New-Hampshire,  and 


89 

tx  membeT  of  the  military  committee,  are  here  insertecT, 
which  maiH  Urongly  the  state  of  his  own  feelings,  and 
that  of  the  army. 


irmy, 
igain- 
[outh, 
loubt 
grated 
ll779 
gave 
iture 
rhich 
Pea- 
and 


Campf  Middle  Brooke  April  2rf,  1779. 

Dear  Sir, 

"  Relying  on  your  friendship,  I  must  entreat  you 
to  assist  me  in  procuring  certain  certificates  and  copies 
of  receipts,  which  I  find  absolutely  necessary  in  settling 
oay  accounts  with  the  auditors,  who  are  very  strict.  I 
nave  wrote  Esq.  Thompson  particularly  on  the  subject. 
Captain  Oilman,  the  bearer,  will  likewise  be  able  to  let 
you  into  the  matter  circumstantially. 

I  am  almost  tired  of  quarreling  with  Great  Brit- 
ain— wish  we  could  reduce  them  to'  reason,  and  a 
proper  sense  of  their  inability.  They  seem  to  be  deter- 
mined to  die  in  the  last  ditch,  and  that  we  shall  feel  the 
effects  of  disappointed  malic  the  ensuing  campaign.  I 
further  fear,  that  the  war  wia  'loom  me  to  old  bachelor- 
ism— however,  content  myL.elf  with  this  consideration, 
that  there  is  enough  of  the  breed  already,  though  this 
consideration  don't  fully  correspond  with  my  feelings  on 
the  opening  of  Spring.  Lc  I  us  establish  our  Indepen- 
dence on  a  lasting  and  honorable  foundation,  and  I  shall 
be  happy  at  all  events.  It  seems  half  pay  for  life,  for 
the  ofiicers  of  the  Pensylvania  and  Maryland  line,  is 
established  by  the  respective  States  ;  also  half  pay  to  the 
officers'  widows  since  the  war  began.  How  this  step 
will  be  looked  upon  by  the  other  States,  I  can't  say. 

This  I  will  venture  to  affirm,  that  it  would  increase 

8 


90 

legitimate  v^ubjects  to  the  States,  as  it  would  encourage 
on:  officers,  who  have  no  wives,  to  mrn' ;,,  and  proceed 
in  obedience  to  the  first  command.  At  present,  the 
young  women  dread  us  as  the  picture  of  poverty ;  and 
the  speculators,  to  our  great  mortification,  are  running 
away  with  the  best  of  them,  whilst  we  are  the  painful 
spectators  of  the  meat  being  taken  out  of  our  mouths, 

and  devoured  by  a  parcel  of — .     Give  my  sincere 

compliments  to  inquiring  friends — Mrs.  Peabody  in 
particular.  ^ 

Tourfrie  ?,  and  humble  servant, 
ALEXANDER  SCAMMELL." 
Colonel  Peabody." 


a 


.  :  [Extract.] 

West  Point,  September  29th,  1779. 
I»oes  Congress  mean  to  make  the  ofiicers  any 
permajKjnt  consideration?  or  do  they  intend  to  coax 
them  on  by  doing  a  little  and  promising  them  a  greai 
deal,  till  the  war  is  over^  and  then  leave  them  without 
money,  (consequently  without  friends ;)  without  estates, 
and  many  without  property  or  constitutions,  the  two 
latter  of  which  they  have  generously  sacrificed  in 
defence  of  their  country.  This  is  the  language  of  the 
oflBcers  almost  universally,  from  all  the  States.  My 
station  renders  it  my  duty  to  make  every  thing  as  easy 
and  quiet  as  possible.  But  I  shudder  at  the  consequen- 
ces, as  I  am  convinced  that  in  the  approaching  winter,  we 
shall  loose  many  of  our  brave  officers,  who  must  resign 
or  doom  themselves  to  want  and  misery  by  remaining 


r 


» 


what  is  equally  bad,  be^^ 
upon  the  United  Stai 
ever  stepping  forih  in  dti 


longer  in  the  best  of  causes,  and  which  in  justice  should 
entitle  them  to  liberal  considerati'  ns  and  rewards.  That 
men  who  have  braved  death,  famine,  and  every  species 
of  hardship,  in  defence  '  "  their  liberties  and  fighting  for 
their  country,  should  tl     ^by  be  reduced  to  slavery,  or 

vill  be  an  eternal  stigma 
)re"'^ent  proper  men  from 
of  their  country  again. 
The  bearer,  Mr.  Guild^  a  u*»or  in  Harvard  College,  is 
an  honest,  clever,  sensible  whig ;  whatever  civility  you 
show  him  will  add  au  obligation  on  yours  truly,  , 

A.  SCAMMELL," 
Nathaniel  Peabody,  Esq." 

Head  Quarte  m  Sieenrapie,  near  Hacketisack  Old  Bridge,  \ 

8ept.  5  t7Q0. -^ 

"Dear  Sir, 

I  am  extremely  happy  to  have  ocular  demon- 
tion  that  you  are  well  enough  to  brandish  the  goose- 
quill  again.  When  I  had  the  disagreeable  news  of 
your  being  dangerously  ill,  1  wished  to  ride  to  Morris- 
town  to  see  you.  X  attempted  to  write,  but  business 
permitted  neither. 

"  The  army  regrets  the  recalling  decree  of  Congress, 
and  that  your  committee  should  be  absent  from  the 
army  at  this  critical  juncture,  when  famine  daily  extends 
her  threatening  baleful  sceptre.  What  will  be  the  con- 
sequence of  the  present  system,  of  supplies  ?  Are  we 
to  be  in  continual  danger  of  a  dissolution  ?  Must  the 
United  States  of  America,  replete  with  resources — full 
of  men,  rolling  in  luxuries — strong  in  allies — entered  on 


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ihd  stale  of  nations  under  a  solemn  appeal  to  Heaven, 
languish  in  the  field— her  veterans  fainting,  her  cheers 
at  the  head  of  raw  troops,  obliged  to  risk  their  lives  and 
reputation ;  with  troops  counting  the  moments  in  pain- 
ful anxiety,  when  they  shall  return  home  and  leave  us 
with  scattered  ranks  ?  If  the  regiments  are  not  filled 
for  the  war,  our  cause  must  fail,  I  am  bold  to  pronounce. 
Not  a  continental  officer,  I  fear,  will  be  left  in  the  field, 
if  he  must  every  six  months,  become  a  drill  sergeant. 
It  is  too  mortifying  to  risk  a  six  years  reputation  with 
inexperienced  troops.  Our  good  and  great  general,  I 
fear,  will  sink  under  the  burthen,  though  he  has  been 
possessed  of  the  extremest  fortitude  hitherto,  which  has 
enabled  him  to  be  equal  to  every  difficulty,  and  to  sur- 
mount what  to  human  eye  appeared  impossible.  But  a 
continual  dropping  will  impress  a  stone,  and  a  bow  too 
long  strained,  loses  its  elasticity.  I  have  ever  cherished 
hopes,  but  my  patience  is  almost  thread-bare. 

^<  We  yesterday  inclined  to  this  place,  and  took  a  new 
position,  about  two  miles  from  our  former  one,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Hackensack.  Our  army  is  remarkably 
healthy,  but  frequently  fasting  without  prayers.  I  con- 
dole with  you  on  the  disagreeable  news  from  the  south- 
ward,  and  lament  the  fate  of  so  many  brave  officers  and 
men.  After  suffering  the  extremes  of  hunger  and  fatigue> 
to  be  basely  deserted  by  the  militia,  and  plished  on  to  be 
sacrificed,  is  truly  distressing.  Hunger  occasioned  so 
great  desertion,  that  their  numbers  were  reduced  to  a 
handful  in  comparison  with  their  numbers  when  they 
left  Maryland.    What  demon  could  induce  General  6* 


i 


93 


to  advance  so  far  towards  the  enemy  with  so  few  men  ? 
And  why  did  he  retreat  so  rapidly,  and  leave  his  brave 
men  behind?  Wishing  you  a  speedy  and  perfect  re- 
covery of  your  health,  I  am, 

"Yours  truly,     ^^'^^W^*' ^'i*^*^'^-^^' 
«A.  SOAMMELL. 

.;.  \y^\    '.'  .■    V  ■    ■      ■    .■«-■■     •-      ■■  i... 


fj'l. 


"  CoL.  Peabody." 


.  The  charge  made  against  General  Gates,  of  wasting 
camp  divinity  or  courage,  in  the  above  letter,  is  sup. 
ported  by  General  Greene,  his  successor,  who  v/as  desi- 
rous of  apologizing  for  his  misfortune,  but  admitted  that 
deserting  his  troops  when  engaged,  under  the  pretence 
of  rallying  the  militia,  was  fatal  to  his  reputation  as  a 
general.  It  would  have  been  most  fortunate  for  the 
country,  if  Gates  had  been  the  only  major-general,du- 
ring  the  war  of  Independence,  who  was  deficient  in 
courage  and  conduct.  Col.  Scammell,  from  this  time  to 
the  treason  of  Arnold  and  the  execution  of  Andre,  con- 
tinued in  the  discharge  of  the  arduous  duties  of  his  office. 
On  the  day  of  Andre's  execution  the  whole  army  was 
paraded  and  every  general  officer  present  and  at  his  post, 
except  Washington,  who  never  saw  Andre.  On  this 
solemn  occasion,  Scammel,  as  adjutant-general,  superin- 
tended the  execution.  The  following  letter  to  Colonel 
Peabody,  gives  a  strong  and  striking  picture  of  the  cha- 
racters of  Arnold  and  Andre,  as  well  as'  the  effect  the 
treason  had  on  his  own  mind  and  that  of  the  army,  at 
the  time. 


04 

r  M...^  -..^  ,y.  .?v  "  Head  Quarters,  October  3, 1780. .  . 
"DearSir,    ......  .•■-■,,         -.;.....,,-.,,..  V.        ^.,. 'It.  .. 

"Treason!  treason  I  treason!  black  as  h — 111 
That  a  man  to  high  on  the  list  of  fame  should  be  guilty 
as  Arnold,  must  be  attributed  not  only  to  original  sin 
but  actual  transgressions.  Heavens  and  earth  I  we  were 
all  astonishment — each  peeping  at  his  next  neighbour  to 
see  if  any  treason  was  hanging  about  him :  nay,  we  even 
descended  to  a  critical  examination  of  ourselves.  This 
surprise  soon  settled  down  into  a  fixed  detestation  and 
rbhorrence  of  Arnold,  which  can  receive  no  addition. 
His  treason  has  unmasked  him  the  veriest  villain  of  cen- 
turies past,  and  set  him  in  true  colours.  His  conduct 
and  sufferings  at  the  northward  has,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
army  and  his  country,  covered  a  series  of  base,  grovel- 
ling, dirty,  scandalous  and  rascally  peculation  and  fraud ; 
and  the  army  and  country,  ever  indulgent  and  partial  to 
an  officer  who  has  suffered  in  the  common  cause,  wished 
to  cover  his  faults :  and  we  were  even  afraid  to  examine 
too  closely,  for  fear  of  discovering  some  of  his  rascality. 
Now,  afler  all  these  indulgences — the  partiality  of  his 
countrymen,  the  trust  and  confidence  the  commander-in- 
chief  had  reposed  in  him,  the  prodigious  sums  that  he 
has  pilfered  from  his  country,  which  has  been  indulgent 
enough  to  overlook  his  mal-practices, — I  say,  after  all 
this,  it  is  impossible  to  paint  him  in  colours  sufficiently 
black.  Avarice,  cursed  avarice,  with  unbounded  ambi- 
tion, void  of  every  principle  of  honor,  honesty,  genero- 
sity or  gratitude,  induced  the  caitiff  to  make  the  first 
overtures  to  the  enemy — as  Andre,  the  British  adjutant- 


95 


his 
Hn- 
he 
jnt 
jail 

tiy 


It- 


^neral,  declamd  upon  his  honor,  when  on  trial  before 
the  general  officers.  This  brave,  accomplished  officer, 
was  yesterday  hanged ;  not  a  single  spectator  but  what 
pitied  his  untimely  fate,  although  filled  with  gratitude 
for  the  providential  discovery ;  convinced  that  the  sen- 
tence was  just,  and  that  the  law  of  nations  and  custom 
of  war  justified  and  made  it  necessary.       . :    t  •  ?! 

Yet  his  personal  accomplishments,  appearance  and 
behaviour,  gained  him  the  good  wishes  and  opinion  of 
every  person  who  saw  him.  He  was,  perhaps,  the  most 
accomplished  officer  of  the  age — he  met  his  tate  in  a 
manner  which  did  honor  to  the  character  of  a  soldier. 
Smith  the  man  who  harbored  him  is  on  trial  for  his  life, 
and  I  believe  will  suffer  the  same  fate.  May  Arnold's 
life  be  protracted  under  all  the  keenest  stings  and  reflec- 
tions of  a  guilty  conscience — be  hated  and  abhorred  by 
al7  the  race  of  mankind,  and  finally  suffer  the  excrutia- 
ting  tortures  jdue  so  great  a  traitor.  <       > 

'  I  am  in  haste,  •    n'   i 

Your  friend  and  servant, 

A.  SCAMMELL." 

Colonel  Scammeirs  wish  and  prediction  respecting  Ar- 
nold, was  fulfilled  certainly  in  part,  for  he  lived  twenty- 
one  years  after  his  treason,  in  different  parts  of  the  world, 
hated  and  abhorred  by  all  the  race  of  mankind.        ' 

One  letter  from  the  Colonel  is  here  inserted,  being  the 
only  one  which  has  ever  come  to  light. 

"  New  Windsor^  March  9,  1781. 
Dear  Sir. — 

I  was  very  sorry  to  hear  you  passed  by  without 


% 

ctkHin^  to  see  me.  I  hope  before  this  yon  have  pefectly 
recovered  your  health.  Your  friendship  and  anxiety  for 
the  good  of  the  service,  will  perhaps  make  any  intelli- 
gence from  us  by  no  means  disagreeable.  Now  we  have 
got  a  tolerable  supply  of  provisions,  we  want  men,  no 
recruits  have  arrived  yet,  except  a  few  stragglers.  The 
•nemy  are  penetrating  into  the  Southern  States  in  sever- 
al parts,  ravajfing,  plundering  and  destroying  every  thing 
their  licentious,  unprincipled  murderers  choose.  Lord 
Cornwallis,  after  Morgan's  victory,  having  divested  him- 
self of  all  his  baggage,  made  a  most  desperate  pursuit 
after  Morgan,  but  was  providentially  stopped  short  in  his 
pursuit  by  the  sudden  rising  of  a  river,  occasioned  by  a 
heavy  rain  after  Morgan  had  forded  it.  Cornwallis  then 
changed  his  route,  and  pursued  General  Greene,  who 
was  obliged  to  retire  before  him,  to  the  borders  of  Vir- 
ginia, nearly  two  hundred  miles.  The  rapidity  of  the 
pursuit,  and  retrograde  movement  of  our  southern  army, 
I  believe  prevented  the  militia  of  that  thinly  settled 
country,  from  reinforcing  General  Greene  seasonably. 
However,  by  the  advices  this  day  received.  Lord  Corn- 
wallis was  retiring,  and  General  Greene,  in  turn,  pursuing 
him.  A  pretty  reinforcement  is  sent  from  Virginia  to  Gen . 
Greene,  which,  I  hope,  may  arrive  in  season  to  enable 
General  Greene  to  act  offensively,  unless  Cornwallis  is 
reinforced  again.  Arnold  is  speculating  upon  Tobacco 
and  Negroes  in  Virginia.  Another  part  of  the  army  has 
landed  in  North  Carolina.  The  Marquis  had,  by  the 
last  advices,  arrived  at  the  head  of  the  Elk,  with  the 
light  Infantry  of  our  army.    The  Grenadiers  and  light 


97 

Infantry  of  the  French  army,  I  eiapeci  by  this  time,  have  - 
joined  him.  I  most  devoutly  wish,  that  the  Marquis, 
may  ruin  the  traitor,  and  catch  his  party. 

We  have  been  obliged  to  put  much  to  the  risk,  on  ac- 
count of  the  weakness  of  our  corps.  I  hope  for  sue- . 
cess — but  it  is  wrong,  exceeding  wrong,  that  the  Com-: 
mander-in-chief,  should  be  put  to  the  dangerous  ne- 
cessity of  putting  so  much  to  the  hazard  for  the  safety 
of  the  Southern  States.  Had  our  regiments  been  filled! 
agreeable  to  the  requisition  of  Congress,  Clinton  would 
never  have  presumed  to  make  such  large  detatchments 
from  New  York.  I  entreat  you  to  make  use  of  your  ut- 
most influence  to  persuade  the  State  to  raise  and  send 
on  their  full  compliment  of  recruits  as  soon  as  possible ; 
our  situation,  otherwise,  will  soon  be  very  critieaU .  > ;  j . 

*'■>!'  -^  -    I  am,  Siiv  ■".:'?  ;i<^ 
Your  most  obedient  friend  and  servant, 
CoL.  Peabodt.  ^        A.  SCAMMELL." 

The  above  correspondence  does  great  honor  to  the 
head  and  heart  of  Colonel  Scammell.  There  is  a  vein 
of  playfulness,  with  his  old  and  personal  acquaintance, 
but  the  main  drift  and  object  was  to  excite  to  those  mea- 
sures which  would  secure  a  lasting  and  honorable  peace. 

In  July,  1781 ,  before  the  army  left  the  Highlands  on 
the  Hudson,  to  operate  against  New  York  or  Yorktown, 
as  circumstances  would  justify,  Scammell  at  his  own 
request,  retired  from  the  office  he  had  so  long  and  satisfac- 
torily filled,  and  took  command  of  the  light  Infantry  of 
the  army.  This  corps  was  selected  from  the  several 
New  England  regiments,  consisting  of  the  most  active 


98 

and  soldierly  young  men  and  officers,  to  march  in  advance 
of  the  main  army,  constantly  prepared  for  active  and 
hazardous  service.  The  Colonel  was  indulged  the 
liberty  of  choosing  his  own  officers,  rejecting  those  he 
deemed  unfit  for  his  enterprising  purpose.  This  liberty 
he  exercised  to  the  annoyance  of  some  colonels,  especially 
Col.  Jackson  of  Boston,  but  Scammell  was  strenuous 
and  always  prevailed.  This  indulgence  on  the  part  of 
Washington,  was  evidence  of  his  desire  not  only  to 
gratify  the  Colonel,  but  that  his  popularity  and  standing 
in  the  army  was  such,  that  it  might  be  gratified  without 
dsuiger  or  inconvenience.  At  the  head  of  this  corps, 
Scammell  marched  with  the  army  to  the  vicinity  of 
New- York,  where  it  joined  the  French  army.  While 
in  this  neighborhood  the  light  infantry  was  constantly 
on  the  watch  and  alert  to  meet  the  enemy  in  West- 
chester, but  the  enemy  were  too  circumspect  to  indulge 
them  in  their  wishies  while  the  combined  army  remained 
in  the  vicinity.  On  the  march  of  the  combined  army  to 
Yorktown  in  Virginia,  headed,  the  one  by  Lincoln,  the 
other  by  Yiominil,  Washington  and  Rochambeau  having 
preceded  their  armies,  the  corps  of  light  infantry  were 
conspicuous.  The  French  army  as  a  whole  were  in 
better  uniform,  and  perhaps  in  a  more  perfect  state  of 
discipline  than  the  American,  but  no  corps  exceeded  the 
light  infantry,  commanded  by  the  long  acknowledged, 
first  officer  of  his  grade  in  the  army. 

During  the  siege  of  Yorktown  he  was  mortally 
wounded  and  taken.  Col.  H.  Lee  of  the  American 
Legion,  who  was  present  gives  the  following  account  of 


99 


the 


in 
of 
the 
jed, 


tof 


it,  and  his  estimate  of  the  man :  *<  Cornwallis,  yielding 
to  assurances,  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  too  solemn  to  be 
slighted,  as  well  as  in  conformity  to  the  spirit  of  his 
orders,  renounced  his  intention  of  disputing  the  advance 
of  his  adversary ;  and  giving  up  his  fortified  camp, 
retired  in  the  night  to  his  town  position,  never  doubting 
that  the  promised  aid  would  start  on  the  appointed  day, 
and  well  assured  if  it  did,  he  should  be  able  to  sustain 
himself  until  it  appeared ;  when  presuming  that  a  gen- 
eral battle  would  ensue,  he  considered  it  to  be  his  duty  in 
the  meantime  to  preserve  rather  than  cripple  his  force. 
His  Lordship's  conclusion  was  certainly  correct^disastrous 
as  was  the  consequence  of  his  mistaken  confidence. 
This  nocturnal  movement  did  not  pass  unperceived  by 
^  our  guards  ;  and  Colonel  Scammell,  ofl^cer  of  the  day, 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  reconnoitering  party  with 
the  dawn  of  light  to  ascertain  its  character  and  extent. 
Advancing  close  to  the  enemy's  position,  he  fell  in  with 
a  detachment  of  the  legion  dragoons,  who  instantly 
charged  our  party.  In  the  rencontre  Scammell  was 
mortally  wounded  and  taken.  He  soon  expired.  This 
was  the  severest  blow  experienced  by  the  allied  army 
throughout  the  siege :  not  an  officer  in  our  army  sur- 
passed in  personal  worth  and  professional  ability  this 
experienced  soldier.  He  had  seryed  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war  in  the  line  of  New  Hampshire,  and 
when  Col.  Pickering,  adjutant  general  of  the  army,  suc- 
ceeded general  Greene  as  quarter-master  general,  Col. 
Scammell  was  selected  by  the  commander-in-chief  to 
fill  the  important  and  confidential  station — from  which 


100 

post  he  had  lately  retired,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  an 
active  part,  at  the  head  of  a  battalion  of  light  troops,  in 
the  meditated  operation." 

Col.  Scammell  did  not  die  immediately  of  his  wound, 
as  might  be  supposed  by  the  above  account,  but  lived 
six  days  after. 

Dr.  Thatcher,  the  surgeon  of  his  regiment,  says  he 
was  wounded  after  he  surrendered.  This  fact  could 
only  be  known  from  Scammell  himself,  and  his  surgeon 
might  have  been  permitted  to  have  seen  him  before  liis 
death,  though  he  does  not  state  the  fact.  At  the  request 
of  Gen.  Washington,  Lord  Cornwallis  allowed  him  to 
be  carried  to  Williamsburg,  where  he  died,  and  where  a 
monument  is  erected  to  his  memory, 

,    "  Which  conquering  armies  from  their  toiU  returned, 
Bear'd  to  his  glory,  while  his  fate  they  moum'd." 

Col.  Scammell  in  person,  was  exactly  what  could  be 
wished,  for  the  fatigues,  pomp  and  parade  of  war,  six 
feet  and  two  inches  in  height,  and  not  too  much  encum- 
bered with  flesh.  As  an  officer,  he  was  intelligent,  high- 
minded,  honorable  and  brave.  With  an  early  and  fin- 
ished education,  his  mind  was  combining  and  compre- 
hensive, decisive,  prompt  and  energetic  in  action.   ^   '^  ^ 

In  the  social  circle  he  was  easy  and  even  playful,  and 
no  officer  could  approach  Washington  so  familiarly 
without  offence.  Of  all  the  gentlemen,  who  held  the 
office  of  adjutant  general,  among  whom  were  those 
excellent  officers  and  high-minded  patriots,  Pickering 


101 


an 


ll,  and 

jliarly 
Id  the 
those 
cering 


and  Hand,  none  had  the  entire  confidence  of  the  whole 
army  in  an  equal  degree.  The  common  soldier,  thirty 
and  forty  years  after  the  close  of  the  war,  always  spoke 
of  him  with  delight,  affection  and  respect ;  declaring  the 
army  were  always  satisfied,  whatever  were  their  wants, 
deprivations  or  dangers,  when  the  general  orders  con- 
cluded, *'By  his  Excellency's  command,  Alexander 
Scammell  adjutant  general,"  it  was  sufficient  for  them 
to  know  that  these  two  officers  were  in  camp.  Col. 
Scammell  left  no  direct  descendants,  never  having  been 
married.  But  the  children  and  grand-children  of  his 
brother  are  still  living  in  his  native  town,  highly 
respected  To  show  in  what  estimation  he  was  held 
by  his  compatriots  in  arms,  his  name  has  been  most 
honorably  borne  up,  and  could  he  know  by  whom,  it 
would  be  a  pleasing  recollection :  three  officers  of  the 
revolution,  his  personal  friends,  and  among  the  most 
intelligent  and  patriotic,  gave  his  name  to  their  sons. 
General  Peleg  Wadsworth,  recently  of  Portland,  of  the 
same  class  at  Harvard  with  him,  gave  his  name  to  his 
son,  the  present  distinguished  Commodore  "Wadsworth 
of  the  American  navy. 

Col.  John  Brooks,  recently  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
was  the  second  who  gave  his  name  to  his  son ;  the  late 
Col.  Brooks  of  the  U.  S.  Army,  distinguished  for  his  gal- 
lant conduct,  as  an  artillery  officer  at  Plattsburg,  and  on 
several  other  occasions ;  Col.  Henry  Dearborn  of  the 
Revolution,  more  recently  Secretary  of  War  and  foreign 
Minister,  was  the  third  who  honored  his  name  in  this  way. 

9 


'^j\ 


102 

This  son  is  still  alive,  been  Collector  of  the  port  of 
Boston,  member  of  Congress,  and  adjutant  general  of 
the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts.  These  three 
lads,  now  passed  the  meridian  of  life,  have  not  diminished 
the  fame  of  the  noble  patriot  whose  name  they  bear. 
From  the  few  materials,  either  written  or  traditionary,  to 
which  reference  could  be  had,  this  imperfect  sketch  has 
been  drawn.  Although  far  from  being  full  or  satisfac- 
tory, it  may  be  the  means  of  preserving  some  memorial 
of  the  best  of  men,  and  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the  very 
first  and  most  accomplished  officer  of  the  revolution. 
Should  our  country  ever  again  be  involved  in  the  evils 
of  war,  may  those  evils  be  diminished  by  its  being  con- 
ducted by  such  men  as  Alexander  Scammell..      ^, 


"ji      f'!. •!('-.•     ■, 


•;   ••■'"'I     M» 


T    . 


■  >-■  I   !.-':.rn' 


11   1 

'    ,  ■  '    ■ 

.-'■■    .-•-■'      '■<♦:.  :r."'>     fi.    <*/■;.,  Vt^ir 

1' 

r, .    J.,    ,^Y 

■■■•■-" 

.-rv  "•?    f- "•':!"•  ff'f,  rV>^   '■ 

1  ^ 

,:■  •r.rv.--.^v 

.    T 

■•••••    ;;  ■;■  ir /•  ^v.-^v,  .,  Ji  .;.'•  I  \m 

1' 

.    y^^      ,      f *      .    M 

•     I   ■,-  >     - 

■':V   \       •■■■•'   'V-:     '    '•-..      \T{(X.:t>:    -M^      i-n-V 

■ 

■      '    *    ■■           '       »' 

'         ,            (   • 

■;  •"'  ■■■I'w  ^    :-',    -  :>■''■.  W-:  '^■^m■^\^  M') 

;7'i  i-';.  .'  ';,;■  /  :■ 

*          '■       . 

'       f.   ■      ■    •"■  :-f-   •.■•■      ■"    ■•  /.nhjiKi:',    HIi  , 

/                 J-  J 

-•/     ••  1  '  t    fi'.    '■■'  f 

■■V'  ■'■'■ 

•:     ^-''ll  .'-f"-  'rrr  '■  '■>:•;     v:.-;'   'M-i^f;:.  .           t 

)ort  of 
3ral  of 
three 
inished 
f  bear, 
[lary,  to 
:ch  has 
latisfac- 
emorial 
le  very 
olution. 
he  evils 
ng  con- 

Li*        _      \j\\ 

'.'■■ru\r,'' 

'■('¥/.■ 
,-l  ' 

■ '  I 

.  i'-'*  ■ 

'^  ; 
>■> 

[\  M) 


>r. 


:  GENERAL  HENRY  DEARBORN,  vi^. 


^^ 


"   '^^  "^n   n>.   h-'  *>.  / 


!>,«'«     !) 


,.»-..      . 


'l     'ir. 


..,4« 


<  *i  tXJL 


General  Dearborn's  ancestors  were  nmong  the  first 
settlers  of  New  Hampshire;  for  we  find,  as  early  as  1639, 
Godfrey  Dearborn,  his  direct  ancestor,  with  other  emi- 
grants from  Exeter,  Devonshire,  England,  arrived  at 
Squamscut  Falls,  now  Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  and  join- 
ed the  settlers  at  that  place  under  the  far-famed  and  much 
injured  clergyman,  John  Wheelwright,  brother  of  the 
celebrated  Ann  Hutchinson,  who  had  been  expelled  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  on  account  of  the  Antinomean 
controversy. 

The  settlers,  judging  themselves  without  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Massachusetts,  on  the  fourth  day  of  May,  1639) 
combined  into  a  separate  body  politic,  and  articles  of  a- 
greement  were  signed  by  thirty-five  freemen,  one  of  whom 
was  Godfrey  Dearborn.  All  laws  were  made  in  a  popu- 
lar assembly.  Treason  and  rebellion  against  the  King, 
(who  is  styled  the  Lord's  anointed,)  or  the  country,  were 
made  capital  crimes.  This  combination  continued  three 
ypars.  ^^  .^.,.^,^,.  ,  ..^.,    .,^.,  ,_„.. 

Godfrey  Dearborn  soon  after  removed  from  Exeter  to 
Winnicumet,  now  the  town  of  Hampton,  situated  be- 


104 


!    f 


fl 


tween  Newberry,  Massachusetts,  and  Portsmouth,  New 
Hampshire,  in  the  latter  State,  ten  miles  from  his  former 
residence ;  where  he  purchased  a  large  tract  of  land.  A 
principal  inducement  with  Mr.  Dearborn  and  others  for 
settling  at  Hampton,  was  the  extensive  salt  marsh,  which 
was  extremely  valuable,  as  the  uplands  were  not  culti- 
vated so  as  to  produce  a  sufficiency  of  hay  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  cattle. 

Henry,  the  son  of  Godfrey,  who  was  a  "  man  grown'* 
on  his  father's  first  arrival  at  Exeter,  inherited  the  estate, 
which  descended  to  his  son  John.  Simon,  the  son  of 
John,  resided  on  the  same  place,  had  twelve  children,  the 
youngest  of  whom  was  Henry,  born  at  Hampton  on  the 
23d  of  February,  1751,  and  is  the  subject  of  this  sketch. 

Young  Dearborn,  after  receiving  that  education  which 
the  best  schools  in  New  England  afforded,  commenced 
and  finished  his  medical  education  under  the  instruction 
of  Doctor  Hall  Jackson,  of  Portsmouth,  who  was  a  dis- 
tinguished surgeon  in  the  army  of  the  revolution,  and 
justly  celebrated  as  one  of  the  most  able  physicians  New 
England  has  produced.  Dr.  Dearborn  was  settled  in  the 
practice  of  physic  at  Nottingham  -square,  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, three  years  previous  to  the  commencement  of  the 
revolutionary  war,  where,  with  several  gentlemen  of  the 
neighborhood,  he  employed  his  leisure  hours  in  military 
exercises ;  being  convinced  that  the  time  was  rapidly  ap- 
proaching when  the  liberties  of  this  country  must  be  eith- 
er shamefully  surrendered,  or  boldly  defended  at  the 
point  of  the  sword     This  band  of  associates  were  deter- 


105 


amp- 
f  the 
f  the 
itary 
yap. 

eith- 
the 

eter- 


minedl  to  he  prepared  aud  equipped  themselyes  for  the  last 
resort  of  freemen.  ■     •  ^      •.. 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  April,  1775,  notice  by 
an  express  was  received  of  the  affair  of  the  preceding 
day  at  Lexington.  He,  with  about  sixty  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  town,  assembled,  and  made  a  rapid  movement 
for  Cambridge,  where  they  arrived  the  next  morning  at 
sunrise,  having  marched  a  distance  of  fifty-five  miles  in 
less  than  twenty-four  hours.  After  remaining  several 
days,  and  there  being  no  immediate  occasion  for  their  ser- 
vices, they  returned. 

It  being  determined  that  a  number  of  regiments  should 
be  immediately  raised  for  the  common  defence.  Dr.  Dear- 
born was  appointed  a  captain  in  the  first  New  Hampshire 
regiment,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  John  Stark. 
Such  was  his  popularity,  and  the  confidence  of  the  public 
in  his  bravery  and  conduct,  that  in  ten  days  from  the 
time  he  received  his  commission,  he  enlisted  a  full  com- 
pany, and  joined  the  regiment  at  Medford,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Boston,  on  the  15th  of  May.  Previous  to  the  battle 
of  Bunker  Hill,  he  was  engaged  in  a  skirmish  on  Hog- 
Island,  whither  he  had  been  sent  to  prevent  the  cattle 
and  other  stock  from  being  carried  off  by  the  British ; 
and  soon  after,  took  part  in  an  action  with  an  armed 
vessel  near  Win nisimit  ferry.  -...■.       -,.     .■  .  . 

On  the  morning  of  the  glorious  seventeenth  of  June, 
information  was  received  that  the  British  were  preparing 
to  come  out  from  Boston,  and  storm  the  works  which 
had  been  thrown  up  on  Breed's  Hill  the  night  before,  by 
the  Americans.    The  regiment  to  which  he  was  attached 


a  - 


106 


ill 


:<  t 


was  immediately  paraded  and  marched  from  Medford, 
about  four  miles,  to  the  scene  of  the  anticipated  attack. 
When  it  reached  Charlestown  Neck,  two  regiments  were 
halted  in  consequence  of  a  heavy  enfilading  fire  thrown 
across  it,  of  round,  bar,  and  chain-shot,  from  the  Lively 
frigate,  and  floating  batteries  anchored  in  Charles  river, 
and  a  floating  battery  lying  in  the  river  Mystic.  Major 
McClary  went  forward  and  observed  to  the  commanders, 
if  they  did  not  intend  to  move  on,  he  wished  them  to 
open  and  let  Stark's  regiment  pass.  The  latter  was  im- 
mediately done.  ■:,:t\\  'i-,  ^  ^^%m 

Captain  Dearborn's  company  being  in  front,  he  march- 
ed by  the  side  of  Col.  Stark^  who,  moving  with  a  very 
deliberate  pace,  Dearborn  suggested  to  him  the  propriety 
of  quickening  the  march  of  the  regiment,  that  it  might 
sooner  be  relieved  from  the  galling  cross-fire  of  the 
enemy.  With  a  look  peculiar  to  himself,  he  fixed  his 
eyes  on  Dearborn,  and  observed  with  perfect  composure, 
"  Dearborn,  one  fresh  man  in  action  is  worth  ten  fatigued 
ones  !"  and  continued  to  advance  in  the  same  cool  and 
collected  manner. 

When  the  regiment  arrived  at  Bunker  Hill,  the  enemy 
were  landing  on  the  shore  opposite  Copp's  Hill.  At  this 
moment  the  veteran  and  gal -ant  Stark  harangued  his 
regiment  in  a  short  but  animated  address ;  then  directed 
them  to  give  three  cheers,  and  make  a  rapid  movement 
to  the  rail  fence  which  ran  from  the  left,  and  in  the  rear 
of  the  redoubt  toward  the  Mystic  river. 

The  redoubt  was  erected  and  commanded  by  the  gal- 
lant Colonel  Prescott.     The  action  soon  commenced, 


107 


nemy 
.t  this 

his 
ected 
(tnent 

rear 

gal- 
inced, 


and  the  Americans  stood  their  ground  until  their  ammu- 
nition was  expended.  Captain  Dearborn  was  posted  on 
the  right  of  the  regiment,  which  gave  him  a  full  and 
fair  view  of  the  whole  action,  and  being  armed  with  a 
fuzee,  fired  regularly  with  his  men.  After  our  troops 
retreated  from  the  battle-ground  and  over  the  Neck,  an 
occurrence  took  place  which  affected  the  whole  army, 
and  especially  Captain  Dearborn ;  therefore,  it  will  be 
given  in  his  own  words : 

^'  From  the  ships  of  war  and  a  large  battery  on  Copp's 
Hill  in  Boston^a  heavy  cannonade  was  kept  up  upon  our 
line  and  redoubt,  from  the  commencement  to  the  close  of 
the  action  and  during  the  retreat ;  but  with  little  effect, 
except  killing  the  brave  Major  Andrew  McCIary  of  Col. 
Stark's  regiment,  soon  after  we  retreated  from  Bunker's 
Hill.      . 

"  He  was  among  the  first  officers  of  the  army — pos- 
sessing a  sound  judgment,  of  undaunted  bravery,  enter- 
prising, ardent  and  zealous,  both  as  a  patriot  and  soldier. 
His  loss  was  severely  felt  by  his  compatriots  in  arms, 
while  his  country  was  deprived  of  the  services  of  one  of 
her  most  distinguished  and  promising  champions  of 
liberty.      '  '^-   :-^•-   '  '•>:  ^       '  .   '.:    ■^.  wi  v.-.^  '..:! 

"  After  leaving  the  field  of  battle  I  met  him  and  drank 
some  spirit  and  water  with  him.  He  was  animated  and 
sanguine  in  the  result  of  the  conHict  for  independence, 
from  the  glorious  display  of  valor  which  had  distinguished 
his  countrymen  on  that  memorable  day.  He  soon  ob- 
served that  the  British  troops  on  Bunker's  Hill  appeared 
in  motion,  and  said  he  would  ffo  and  reconnoitre  them, 


lOff 


I  I 


to  see  whether  they  were  coming  out  over  the  Neck ;  at 
the  same  time  directing  me  to  march  my  company  down 
the  road  toward  Charlestown.  We  were  then  at  Tuft's 
house  near  Ploughed  Hill.  I  immediately  made  a  for* 
ward  movement  to  the  position  he  directed  me  to  take, 
and  halted  while  he  proceeded  to  the  Old  Pound,  which 
stood  on  the  site  now  occupied  as  a  tavern  house^  not 
far  from  the  entrance  to  the  Neck.     h:^-f  v  ^^v  :;i»v}  jo  aaw:* 

''  After  he  had  satisfied  himself  that  the  enemy  did 
not  intend  to  leave  their  strong  posts  on  the  heights,  he 
was  returning  toward  me,  and  within  twelve  or  fifteen^ 
rods  of  where  I  stood  with  my  company,  a  random  shot, 
from  one  of  the  frigates  lying  near  where  the  centre  of 
Craigie's  bridge  now  is,  passed  directly  through  his  body,- 
and  put  to  flight  one  of  the  most  heroic  souls  that  ever 
animated  man.  He  leaped  two  or  three  feet  from  the 
ground,  pitched  forward,  and  fell  dead  upon  his  face. 
I  had  him  carried  to  Medford,  where  he  was  interred, 
with  all  the  respect  and  honors  we  could  exhibit  to  the 
manes  of  a  great  man.  He  was  my  bosom  friend ;  we 
had  grown  up  together  on  terms  of  the  greatest  intimacy, 
and  I  loved  him  as  a  brother." 

The  New  Hampshire  line  retired  toward  Winter  Hill, 
and  the  others  on  to  Prospect  Hill.  Strong  advanced 
picquets  were  posted  on  the  roads  leading  to  Charlestown,^ 
and  the  troops,  anticipating  an  attack,  rested  on  their 


arms. 


Kvn   -.w  ^■»-ft»t»"*  V 


V*.*^  ^j  fv  V,  i  4  V.'  '.  .i  i.M  ^    .-fiv>*   AJifUL*  V-i 


Few  events  of  moment  took  place  in  the  army  from' 
this  day  till  September,  and  none  in  which  Captain 
Dearborn  took  part.    In  ^September  he  volunteered  his 


,  I 


109 


8t 


mi 


from 
his 


sertrices  to  join  the  expedition  of  Arnold  up  the  Kennebec  ^ 
river,  and  through  the  wilderness  to  Cluebec.    He  was ' 
permitted  to  select  a  company  from  the  New  Hampshire 
regiment  for  this  arduous  service,    ''v  "*i  >>*♦  <rn^.«  ..r  f>  tj 

Thirty-two  days  were  employed  in  trtiversing  the ' 
hideous  wilderness,  between  the  settlements  on  the 
Kennebec  and  Chaudiere  river,  during  the  inclement 
months  of  November  and  December,  in  which  every 
hardship  and  fatigue  of  which  human  nature  is  capable,' 
was  endured  indiscriminately  by  the  o£9cers  and  troopSi 
and  a  considerable  portion  of  them  starved  to  death. 

On  the  highlands  between  the  Kennebec  and  St. 
Lawrence,  the  remnant  of  provisions  was  divided  among 
the  companies,  who  were  directed  to  make  the  best  of 
their  way  in  separate  divisions  to  the  settlements  of  the 
Chaudiere.         -•  ..«     ,  .  .,.,   ,w.>-,..  .  ..^  .;^,  ,,<ji.  .,*.,., 

The  last  fragment  of  food  in  most  of  the  companies 
was  soon  consumed,  and  Dearborn  was  reduced  to  the 
extremity  of  dividing  his  favorite  doff  among  his  suffer- 
ing men.  When  he  reached  the  Chaudiere,  from  colds,^ 
extreme  hardships  and  want  of  sustenance,  his  strength 
failed  him,  and  he  was  unable  to  walk  but  a  ^ort  dis^ 
tance  without  wading  into  the  water  to  invigorate  and 
stimulate  his  limbs.      ^^--^^^  ^iiian-mm   'mmiwmu  imid:>^ 

With  great  difficulty  he  reached  a  poor  hut  on  the 
Chaudiere,  when  he  told  his  men  he  could  accompany 
them  no  further,  and  animated  them  forward  to  a  glorious 
discharge  of  their  duty.  His  company  left  him  with 
tears  in  their  eyes,  expecting  to  see  him  no  more.  Dear* 
born  was  here  seized  with  a  violent  fever,  during  which 


il>ill«WHW»m<|l>IWl«|WHK 


■ 


no 

his  lifo  was  d«sptired  of  for  tea  dsys ;  without  medicine, 
aiid  with  scarcely  the  common  uocessaries  of  life.  ^ 

His  strong  constitution  at  lust  surmounted  tho  disease, 
and  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  travel  he  proceeded  to 
Point  Levy  in  a  sleigh,  crossed  over  to  Wolfs  Cove, 
and  made  his  unexpected  appearance  at  tho  head  of  his 
company,  a  few  days  before  the  assault  on  iduebec.  At 
four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  on  the  Slst  day  of  Decemfr; 
ber,  1775,  in  a  severe  snow  storm,  in  a  climate  that  vies 
with  Norway  in  tempests  and  intense  cold,  the  attack 
was  commenced.  Captain  Dearborn  was  attached  to 
the  corps  under  Arnold,  who  was  wounded  early  in  tbo 
action,  and  carried  from  the  field.  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Green,  tho  afler  hero  of  Mud  Island  and  conqueror  of 
Count  Donop,  succeeded  in  the  comuiand.  They 
stormed  the  first  barrier  and  entered  the  lower  town.' 
Montgomery  had  already  bled  on  immortal  ground,  and 
his  division  having  made  a  precipitate  and  most  shameful 
retreat  as  soon  as  the  General  fell,  the  corps  under  Green 
was  exposed  to  a  sanguinary  but  unavailing  contest. 

From  the  windows  of  houses,  which  being  constructed 
of  stone,  each  was  a  castle,  and  from  the  tops  of  the  par- 
apets a  destructive  fire  was  poured  upon  the  assailants, 
which  threatened  inevitable  destruction  to  every  one 
who  should  appear  in  the  strc^ets.  The  American  troops 
maintained  this  desperate  contest  until  at  last  they  wero 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  surrendering  in  small  parties.. 
The  whole  corps  led  on  by  Arnold,  were  killed  or  made 
prisoners  of  war.  The  officers  were  put  in  rigid  con-: 
finement,  and  every  day  were  tauntingly  told  that  in  the 


I 


m 


M 


icine, 

sease, 
ed  to 
Cove, 
of  his ! 

(ocem- ; 
Bit  viea 
attack; 
led  to 
ill  tbo 
i/olouol 
eror  of 
They, 
town, 
id,  and 
ameful 
Green 
:ontost. 
ructed 
par- 
iUnts, 
y  one 
troops 
|y  were 
arties. 
made 
d  cou- 
intho 


m 

spring  thoy  would  bo  sent  to  England  and  hanged  as 
rebels.  In  May,  1770,  Major  Meigs,  a  virtuous  citizen 
and  gnliunt  ofllcor,  iiud  f/aplnin  Ocjirborn  were  permitted 
to  return  on  parole.  Tlioy  wcro  sent  round  to  Halifax 
in  the  frigate  Niger,  and  treated  with  the  usual  con- 
tumely and  hauteur  of  Englisli  ofllcors.tijtw  ihk^m  &Sii 
.^,  On  their  arrival  at  Halifax  they  were  put  on  board 
another  ship  of  war,  and  the  commander  instnicted  by 
General  IIowo  to  land  them  in  some  part  of  New  England. 
After  the  ship  had  cruised  with  them  on  board  for  up- 
ward of  thirty  days,  during  which  period  they  met  with 
the  grossest  insults,  they  were  put  on  shore  in  Penobscot 
Bay,  from  whence  they  proceeded  by  land  to  Portland, 
i  f  In  thejoro  part  of  March,  1777,  Dearborn  was  ex- 
changed, and  appointed  Major  to  the  third  New  Hamp- 
shire regiment,  commanded  by  Alexuider  Scammell, 
and  early  in  May  following  arrived  with  the  regiment 
at  Ticonderoga.  Washington,  in  his  letters  to  Congress^ 
was  urgent  to  effect  the  exchange  of  Meigs,  Deajrborn 
and  Morgan — all  of  them,  at  that  time,  distinguished 
for  their  bravery  and  sufferings,  and  afterwards,  in  higher 
grades,  for  their  capacity  and  intrepidity.  Washington 
was  rarely  mistaken  in  his  estimate  of  character,  in  civil 
or  military  life,  ^y^'y  u  inQ-mi'.'M  i^'-'M  .'j-juusa  vw.r 
jjj,  On  the  16th  of  July,  the  post  at  Ticonderoga  was 
abandoned  on  the  approach  of  Gen.  Burgoyne's  army. 
Gen.  St.  Clair  retreated  with  the  main  body  of  the  troops, 
by  land,  through  Vermont  to  Hudson  river,  near  Sara- 
toga, and  soon  after  continued  the  retreat  until  the  army 
had  crossed  the  Mohawk  river,  near  its  junction  with 


II 


I 


t    b 


h 


•• 


1  i 

\       i 


112 

the  Hudson,  where  considerable  reinforcenients  were 
met,  and  Qen.  Gates  assumed  the  command  of  the  North- 
em  army. 

St.  Clair,  in  this  disastrous  retreat,  sent  forward  Major 
Dearborn  to  Gen.  Schuyler,  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating 
his  retreat  with  the  least  possible  loss,  and  to  effect  a 
junction  with  Schuyler  in  the  best  possible  manner. 
Soon  after  the  capture  of  the  British  detachment  under 
Col.  Baum,  at  Bennington,  by  Gen.  Stark,  the  second  in 
command  at  Bunker  Hili,  and  who  met  the  weight  of  the 
battle  at  Trenton  ;  and  the  retreat  of  Gen.  St.  Ledger 
from  Foit  Stanwix ;  Gen.  Gates  advanced  to  meet  the 
enemy,  who  was  encamped  near  Saratoga.  '*'^>';«t^^ 
'^:  When  the  army  arrived  at  Stillwater,  a  corps  of  light 
infantry  was  formed,  by  detachments  from  the  line,  con- 
sisting of  five  |ull  companies,  and  the  command  given 
to  Major  Dearborn  ;  and  in  the  opinion  of  the  army,  and 
the  Adjutant  General  in  particular,  "  a  more  vigilant  and 
determined  soldier  never  wore  a  sword."  Dearborn  had 
orders  to  act  in  concert  with  Col.  Morgan's  regiment  of 
riflemen,  which  had  joined  the  army  a  few  days  before. 
A  strong  position  was  selected,  called  Bemis'  Height,  and 
immediately  occupied  by  the  American  army. 

The  riflemen,  and  Dearborn's  corps  of  light  infantry 
encamped  in  advance  of  the  left  of  the  main  line.  The 
British  army  had  advanced  from  Saratoga,  and  encamped 
on  the  bank  of  the  river,  within  three  miles  of  Gen. 
Gates'  position. 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  September,  the  advan- 
ced piquets  announced  that  the  right  wing  of  the  British 


113 


were 
!<Iorth- 

Major 
itating 
Sect  a 
tanner, 
under 
ond  in 
it  of  the 
Ledger 
leet  the 

of  light 
ne,  con- 
i  given 
ny,  and 
ant  and 
orn  had 
iment  of 

before. 

;ht,  and 

(nfantry 

The 

camped 

^f  Gen. 

advan- 
British 


'ktmy  ^ns  in  motion,  when  Morgan  and  Dearborn,  who 

66mmanded  separate  corps,  received  orders  from  General 

Arnold  to  make  a  forward  moyement,  and  check  the 

Approaching  column.  '*'^'**"   •''''  '   •"* 

These  orders  were  promptly  obeyed,  and  the  British 

Advanced  guard,  consisting  of  tories  and  other  irregulars, 

was  soon  met  and  attacked  with  spirit,  in  which  conflidt 

Ihey  kflled  anct  Wounded  a  considerable  number  of  this 

Isnemy,  and  made  twenty-two  prisoners.    This  charge 

t^as  led  (as  General  Morgan  Lewis,  who  saw  it  from 

more  elevated  grbund,  informed  the  writer  within  a  few 

Tears,)  by  Major  Dearborn,  ''in  the  most  gallant  and 

determined  manner.^      '  ,n 

'  'The  action  soon  beeank  geh^VaT,  and  cotitihued  ^htil 

'rtte  dtfsk  of  the  evenings  on  the  same  ground  on  which 

it  commenced ;  neither  party  having  retreated  more  than 

twenty  or  thirty  rods,  and  that  alternately,  so  that  the 

-dead  of  both  armies  were  mingled  together.    Dearborn 

iilrithhis  light  troops,  covered  the  left  of  the  main  line, 

while  Morgan  covered  the  right.    The  loss  was  severe 

tm  both  sides,  and  especially  in  the  New  Hampshire 

line.    Lieutenant  Colonels  Adams  and  Colburn  being 

killed.  Dearborn  Was  promoted  to  a  lieutenant  Colonelcy. 

As  his  light  corps  was  constantly  employed  in  recon- 

noitering,  frequent  actions  occurred  between  thepic^Uets 

and  advanced  parties  of  the  enemy.  ^^^^^<^^'    >^^^^^- 

'  ^  On  the  setenth  day  of  October,  General  Burgoyne 

having  determined  to  make  an  extraordinary  and  last 

feffort  to  gain  possession  of  the  American  position,  and  to 

open  a  passage  foi  his  army  to  Albany,  where  he  expec- 

10 


■a- 


rr 


I 


K    K 


4 


I!       i- 


114 

led  to  join  tlio  British  forces  then  ascending  the  Hudson 
river ;  nt  about  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  advanced 
jii  force  with  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  and  after  driving 
in  the  American  picquets,  appeared  in  full  view  on  the 
left  of  General  Gates'  line,  in  open  ground.    Morgan 
and  Dearborn    were  ordered  by  General  Arnold   in 
person,  to  advance,  and  hold  the  enemy  in  check.    They 
advanced  rapidly,  and  in  a  few  minutes  were  engaged 
with  the  "enemy,  but  soon  after  received  orders  to  move 
in  such  a  direction  as  to  meet  and  oppose  any  body  of 
the  enemy  that  might  be  advancing  to  occupy  an  emi- 
nence which  would  give  him  the  command  of  the  left 
wing  of  the  American  army.    In  this  movement  a  body 
of  the  British  light  infantry,  about  five  hundred  strong, 
under  the  command  of  Lord  Bellcaras,  was  met,  and 
instantly  broke  and  dispersed  by  one  fire  and  a  gallant 
charge  of  the  infantry.    In  the  language  of  the  Ameri- 
can adjutant  general,  Dearborn,  at  the  moment  when 
the  enemy's  light  infantry  were  attempting  to  change 
front,  pressed  forward  with  ardor  and  delivered  a  close 
fire ;  leaped  a  fence,  shouted,  and  gallantly  forced  them 
to  retire  in  disorder.    Earl  Bellcaras  re-formed  behind  a 
fence,  but  being  now  attacked  by  Dearborn,  Morgan,  and 
the  brigade  of  Poor,  the  whole  British  line,  commanded 
by  Burgoyne  in  person,  gave  way  and  retired  to  his 
•  camp.    The  riflemen  and  light  infantry  continued  their 
pursuit  until  they  arrived  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy's 

right  wing.,.,:^,,, ,,,,,,  f-;;  oi^m  ol  L^.-im-i-l^b  -rirrn^! 
f .  Morgan's  troops  now  passed  through  the  skirts  of  a 
ivood,  which  brought  him  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  left 


115 

wingt  while  Dearborn  bore  down  directly  on  the  rear  of 
the  right  wiog,  where  the  British  artillery  was  princi- 
pally posted,  under  cover  of  a  body  of  German  troops. 
Dearborn  advanced  rapidly  up  to  the  pieces,  and  when 
within  about  thirty  yards,  threw  in  such  a  tremendous 
and  well-directed  fire,  as  killed  and  dispersed  the  whole 
of  the  covering  party,  as  well  as  nearly  all  the  artillery- 
men.  .'^itiw  •»<*.  ci»y«a^  t^A'  in  •  -■»Y  •*  .■;;•..  •!.:v/  i.-t  .> 
2  The  artillery  was  immediately  taken,  together  with 
Major  Williams,  the  commander,  and  several  other 
officers;  also  Sir  Francis  Clark,  one  of  General  Bur- 
goyne^s  aids«de-camp,  who  was  mortally  wounded.  He 
had  just  given  orders  for  the  removal  of  the  cannon,  and 
as  he  wheeled  his  horse  to  return,  received  the  fire  from 
Dearborn^s  corps.  Colonel  Dearborn  sent  the  cannon 
and  prisoners  round  the  right  of  the  British  army  to  the 
American  camp,  then  advanced  in  line  within  sixty 
yards  of  the  enemy's  rear,  and  poured  in  a  full  fire  from 
his  whole  corps,  which  produced  such  an  effect  as  com- 
pelled the  enemy  to  abandon  the  field,  with  great  pre- 
cipitation and  disorder,  and  retire  to  their  advanced 
fortified  camp.     In  this  retreat  General  Frazer  was 

r>},,  The  Americans  immediately  advanced  upon  the 
British,  and  while  Arnold  with  Dearborn's  corps  and 
several  regiments  of  infantry  assaulted  and  carried  the 
German  fortified  camp  on  the  right,  General  Poor,  with 
-the  New  Hampshire  line,  attacked  what  was  called 
Frazer* s  camp,  which  the  enemy  abandoned  as  soon  as 
the  German  camp  was  carried.    It  was  then  nearly 


T 


V 


ij 


\ 


).»■ 


'        i 


liJ 

dark.  On  th^  assault  on  the  German  camp,  Arnold, 
who  leaped  !>..  horse  over  the  rarapart>|  received  a 
severe  wound  in  ^  's  leg,  nnd  his  horse  being  killed  at 
the  same  moment,  fell  on  him. 

While  Colonel  Dearborn,  who  ran  to  him  as  soon  oi 
he  fell,  was  assisting  him  from  under  his  horse,  he  asked 
the  General  if  he  was  badly  wounded ;  be  replied  with 
great  warmth,  "  Yes ;  in  the  same  leg  which  was 
wounded  at  Quebec  ;  I  can  never  go  into  action  without 
being  shot ;  I  wish  the  ball  had  gone  through  my  heart.* 
'i  After  taking  care  of  the  wounded,  artiHevy-wagons^ 
horses,  tents,  and  baggage,  the  prisoners  were  sent  to 
the  American  head-quarters,  and  the  troops  that  had 
assaulted  and  carried  the  post,  being  relieved  by  othfersi 
'^t  about  twelve  o'clock  fit  night,  mftrched  into  chvtif 
very  nnich  fiitigued.-<^^  ^*i  i^^^i  '^t^'  J^'Offi>»  nao  '..nn  Umn 
Y>  Early  next  morning,  DearbomVi  c«rp»^  with  about 
one  thousand  infantry,  advanced  over  tha  field  of  battle 
into  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  main  position,  to  prevent  any 
attempt  of  Burgoyne's  to  retreat  into  Canada ;  but  as  ha 
did  not  move,  this  detachment  returned  to  camp  at  dark. 
The  next  morning,  It  being  ascertained  that  the  enemy 
were  retreating,  Dearborn  was  ordered  to  advance  with 
his  corps  and  a  part  of  Morgan's  regiment,  >ad  take 
possession  of  the  British  camp,  with  the  sick  arid 
wounded,  that  had  been  left  to  the  oave  of  General 
Gates. 

The  whole  of  the  xiv  'icin  army  was  soon  after 
ordered  to  march  j  but  h.imi..Mmni\y  heavy  rain  prevenl- 
fd  this  movement,  and  couip'^lled  Gen^rai  Burgoyne  to 


^117 

halt)  arid  etleamp  not  more  than  eight  miles  from  his 
former  position.  The  rain  continued  without  inter- 
mission until  post  the  middle  of  the  night.  On  the  10th 
of  October,  the  Am^rii  m  army  marched  in  pursuit  of 
General  Burgoy  ;• ,  t.l  ^he  light  troops  in  front,  and  on 
the  19th  the  Ejiash  army  surrendered.  -  ••  •'  ••  '  " 
Generr^  Gates,  m  his  official  report  of  the  battles  at 
Sarato^fF^  v-.  ;ntioned  in  a  particular  manner  the  bravery 
and  good  conduct  of  Colonels  Morgan  and  Dearborn. 
A  few  days  after  the  capitulation,  Dearborn's  light  infan* 
try  was  broken  up,  and  the  officers  and  men  restored  to 
their  respective  regiments.  In  the  actions  previous  to 
the  surrender  of  Burgoyrie,  the  New  Hampshire  line 
under  Poor  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  and  lost  in  action 
more  in  killed  and  wounded  than  any  other  corps  of 
equal  numbers ;  three  Lt.  Colonels,  Adams,  Colbum  and 
Conner,  killed,  and  Colonel  Scammel  wounded.  This 
brigade  was  composed  of  three  regiments,  commanded 
by  Colonels  Scammell,  Reid  and  Cilley,  all  veteran  and 
distinguished  officers.  Yet,  as  it  may  with  some  reason 
be  supposed,  too  much  credit  is  awarded  it,  it  is  proper 
to  state  that  previous  to  the  19th  of  September,  Van 
Cftland's  d  Livingston's  New  York  regiments,  at 
their  own  request,  had  been  attached  to  Poor's  Brigade  j 
and  when  they  marched  to  join  Washington  in  the 
vicinity  of  Philadelphia,  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  directed 
the  march  of  the  northern  army  to  Pennsylvania,  by  the 
special  direction  of  Washington,  says  these  regiments 
did  not  wish  to  be  separated  from  the  Brigade  or  the 

Brigade  from  them ;  they  therefore  marched  under  the . 

10* 


118 


1 1 


I  i 


i  : 


order  of  Poor,  and  hutted  with  him  the  ensuing  winter 
at  White  Marsh  ;  and  it  is  believed,  fought  with  him  at 
Monmouth  the  next  summer.  The  State  of  New  York 
had  no  General  officer  in  the  field  in  the  actions  against 
Burgoyne's  army.  General  Schuyler  had  been  with- 
drawn from  the  command  of  the  northern  armyt  after 
the  success  of  Stark  at  Bennington,  and  the  relief  of  Fort 
Stanwix  by  Arnold,  under  his  auspicies,  through  the  ill 
founded  prejudices  of  a  part  of  New  York  and  a  greater 
part  of  New  England,  though  in  every  respect  a  superior 
man  and  abler  officer  than  Gates. 

Generals  George  and  James  Clinton  were  below  on 
the  Hudson,  in  command  of  Forts  Montgomery  and 
Clip  ton,  which  they  would  have  been  able  to  have 
defended  successfully  and  triumphantly  against  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  had  they  not  been  controlled  and  thwart* 
ed  by  an  incompetent  General  placed  over  them  by 
Congress.  The  origin  of  the  prejudice  against  Schuyler 
and  St.  Clair,  was  the  abandonment  by  the  latter 
General  of  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence, 
within  the  limits  of  Schuyler's  command.  The  ridicu- 
lous story  that  both  these  Generals  were  traitors,  at  the 
time  gained  credit.  "  They  were  paid  for  their  treason 
by  the  enemy's  silver  balls,  shot  from  Burgoyne's  gun» 
into  our  camp,  which  were  collected  by  St.  Clair  and 
divided  between  him  and  Schuyler."  These  officers  at 
that  time  and  ever  after,  in  the  opinion  of  Dearborn, 
were  honest  patriots  and  able  generals.  Arter  being 
suspended  from  command  for  more  than  a  year,  with 
this  odium  upon  them,  they  were   brought  before  a 


;  winter 

him  at 

w  York 

against 

[1  with- 

ly,  after 

of  Fort 

h  the  iU 

L  greater 

superior 

lelow  on 
lery  and 
to  have 
inst   Sir 
L  thwart- 
hem  by 
Schuyler 
i    latter 
ndence, 
ridicu- 
Sf  at  the 
treason 
e's  guns 
air  and 
icers  at 
larborn, 
being 
tr,  with 
lefore  a 


119 

Court  Martial,  of  whiqh  General  Lincoln  was  President, 
and  *'  acquitted  unanimously  with  the  highest  honor  on 
every  charge." 

The  grand  object,  the  capitulation  of  Burgoyne,  being 
obtained,  the  New  Hampshire  Brigade  performed  a 
march  of  forty  miles,  and  forded  the  Mohawk  river  below 
the  falls,  in  fourteen  hours.  The  design  of  this  rapid 
movement  was  to  check  the  progress  of  a  detachment  of 
the  British,  commanded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who 
threatened  Albany  with  the  same  destruction  which  he 
had  spread  below ;  but  on  hearing  the  fate  of  Burgoyne, 
he  returned  quietly  to  New  York.  "When  the  badness 
of  the  roads  at  that  time  are  taken  into  consideration, 
together  with  the  fording  a  considerable  river,  with  the 
usual  amount  of  artillery  and  baggage-wagons,  this 
march  has  never  been  exceeded,  if  equalled,  in  this 
country.  But  when  the  character  of  General  Poor,  and 
his  subordinate  officers,  Scammel,  Cilley,  Reid,  Dear- 
born, Van  Cortland  and  Livingston,  are  taken  into  view» 
and  the  confidence  such  officers  would  inspire  in  troops, 
all  the  difficulties  of  such  a  march  at  once  disappear. 
In  the  campaign  of  1778,  Lt.  Col.  Dearborn  was 
attached  to  Cilley's  regiment ;  and  in  that  capacity  was 
closely  engaged  with  the  enemy  at  Monmouth  in  June 
of  that  year.  Among  other  measures  which  Washington 
took  to  check  the  advance  of  the  British,  he  ordered 
Cilley's  regiment  to  attack  a  body  of  troops  which  were 
passing  through  an  orchard  on  the  right  wing  of  the 
enemy.  The  regiment  advanced  under  a  heavy  fire, 
with  rapid  step  and  shouldered  arms.    The  enemy  filed 


f 


120 

off  and  formed  on  the  end  of  a  morass.  The  Ameri- 
cans wheeled  to  the  right,  received  their  second  fire  with 
shouldered  arms,  marched  up  within  eight  rods,  dressed, 
and  gave  a  full  fire,  and  charged  bayonet.  The  British, 
having  sustained  considerable  loss,  fled  with  precipitation 
across  the  morass,  where  they  were  protected  by  the 
main  body  of  the  enemy.  Col.  Dearborn  was  then  dis- 
patched to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  to  ask  what  further 
service  was  required :  when  he  approached,  Washington 
inquired,  with  evident  pleasure  at  their  gallant  conduct, 
.**  What  troops  are  those  ?"  "  Full-blooded  Yankees  from 
New  Hampshire,  sir,"  replied  Dearborn.  Washington 
expressed  his  approbation  in  explicit  terms,  and  directed 
that  they  should  fall  back  and  refresh  themselves,  as  the 
heat  was  oppressive  and  the  troops  much  fatigued.  In 
the  general  orders  of  the  next  day,  Washington  bestowed 
the  highest  commendation  on  the  brilliant  exploit  of  the 
regiment.  Colonels  Wiggles  worth  and  Brotkes  of  the 
Massachusetts  line,  the  latter  of  whom  that  day  acted 
as  Adjutant  General  to  Lee's  division,  have  often,  in 
expressing  their  opinion  of  the  conduct  of  this  regiment, 
declared  that  their  gallant  and  firm  conduct  was  the 
salvation  of  the  army,  for  at  the  moment  every  thing  was 
retreat  or  confusion.  .      ^ 

In  the  campaign  of  1779,  Colonel  Dearborn  accom- 
panied General  Sullivan's  expedition  against  the  Indians 
in  the  interior  of  New  York,  and  had  an  active  share  in 
the  action  of  the  29th  of  August,  with  the  united  forces 
of  Tories  and  Indians,  at  Newtown.  In  1780,  he  was 
with  the  main  army  in  New  Jersey,     This  year  the  New 


181 


)  Ameri- 
fire  with 
,  dressed, 
B  British, 
sipitation 
3  by  the 
then  dis- 
it  further 
ishington 
conduct, 
kees  from 
ishington 

directed 
es,  as  the 
Tied.  In 
)es  towed 
)it  of  the 
es  of  the 
ay  acted 
often,  in 
egiment, 
I  was  the 

ling  was 

accom- 
Indians 
Ishare  in 
[d  forces 
I  he  was 
Ihe  New 


Hampshire  line  lost  by  death  their  esteemed  and  respect* 
ed  General  Enoch  Poor.    He  died  of  a  fever,  September 
9th.    His  funeral  was  the  most  magnificent  and  solemn 
which  took  place  during  the  war.    His  corpse    was 
brought  from  Paramus  to  the  vicinity  of  the  burying 
ground  near  Hackensaek,  when  it  was  attended  to  the 
place  of  interment  by  a  procession  of  a  regiment  of  light 
infantry  with  arms  reversed ;  four  field  pieces ;  M^or 
Lee's  regiment  of  light  horse ;  General  Hand  and  his 
brigade ;  two  chaplains ;  the  horse  of  the  deceased,  with 
his  boots  and  spurs  suspended  from  the  saddle,  led  by  a 
servant ;  the  corpse,  born  by  four  sergeants,  and  the  pall 
supported  by  six  general  officers.    On  the  coffin,  a  pait 
of  pistols  and  two  swords  crossing  each  other.    Tha 
corpse  WES  followed  by  the  officers  of  the  New  Hamp* 
shire  brigade,  and  the  officers  of  the  brigade  of  light 
infantry,  which  the  deceased  had  lately  commanded. 
The  officers  of  the  army  fell  in  promiscuously,  the  whole 
closed  by  his  Excellency  General    Washington   and 
Marquis  La  Fayette.    Having  arrived  at  the  burying 
yard,  the  troops  opened  to  the  right  and  left,  resting  on 
their  arms  reversed,  and  the  procession  passed  to  the 
grave,  when  a  eulogy  was  delivered  by  the  Reverend 
Mr.  Evans.    A  band  of  music,  played  a  funeral  dirge. 
The  military  being  in  complete  uniform  and  well  disci- 
plined, exhibited  a  martial  and  noble  appearance.    No 
scene  can  exceed  in  grandeur  and  solemnity,  a  military 
funeral.    General  Poor  was  a  true  patriot,  who  took  an 
early  part  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  and  during  his 
military  career,  was  respected  for  his  talents  and  bra- 


123 


very,  and  beloved  for  the  amiable  qualities  of  his  heart. 
But  it  is  a  sufficient  eulogy  to  say,  that  he  enjoy- 
ed the  confidence  and  esteem  of  Washington.  The 
New  Hampshire  line  mourned  his  death  as  of  a  father, 
and  must  have  been  gratified  by  the  respect  shown  his 
memory.  General  Poor  and  Colonel  Dearborn  married 
sisters. 

In  1781,  he  was  appointed  deputy  quarter-master- 
general,  with  the  rank  of  colonel,  and  served  with  Wash* 
ington's  army  in  that  capacity  in  Virginia.  He  was  at 
the  siege  of  Yorktown  by  the  combined  armies  of  Ame- 
rica and  I'rance,  and  the  capture  of  Lord  Conwallis  and 
his  army.  At  this  siege,  Colonel  Scammel  being  killed 
in  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  position  at  the  head  of  the 
light  troops,  Colonel  Dearborn  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  first  New  Hampshire  regiment.  '  '^^ ' 

In  1782.  the  New  Hampshire  line  having  been  reduced 
to  two  regiments,  were  commanded  by  Colonels  George 
Reid  and  Henry  Dearborn.  The  former  was  stationed 
on  the  Mohawk,  and  the  latter  at  Saratoga.  In  Novem- 
ber, Dearborn  joined  the  main  army  at  Newburgh,  and 
remained  with  it  till  the  peace  of  1783. 

Having  mentioned  the  names  of  George  Reid  and 
Henry  Dearborn  together,  it  may  be  noticed  that  they 
were  born  in  the  same  county  in  New  Hampshire,  were 
both  captains  in  Stark's  regiment  at  Breed's  Hill,  and 
were  the  only  two  of  thirteen  captains  in  the  regiment 
that  day,  who  continued  in  the  army  to  the  close  of  the 
war,  and  promoted  to  the  rank  of  colonel. 


i 


123 


lis  heart, 
a  enjoy- 
1.  The 
a  father, 
liown  his 
i  married 

jr-master- 
th  Wash- 
le  was  at 
I  of  Ame- 
«rallis  and 
ing  killed 
Bad  of  the 
the  com- 

a  reduced 
s  George 
stationed 
1  Novem- 
irgh,  and 

leid  and 
hat  they 
lire,  were 
Hill,  and 
regiment 
ise  of  the 


i 


:>■  Reid  was  considerably  the  older  man  and  now  the 
senior  colonel,  having  been  promoted  to  a  majority  while 
Dearborn  was  a  prisoner  at  Quebec.  If  Reid's  early 
education  and  associations  were  less  favorable  than 
Dearborn's,  as  a  military  man  he  was  always  respected, 
and  as  a  citizen  virtuous  and  upright,  and  was  long  a 
general  in  the  militia  of  New  Hampshire,  and  sheriff  of 
the  most  populous  county  in  that  state. 

^<  While  attending  court  at  Exeter,"  as  he  said  himself, 
"  a  carriage,  on  passing,  let  down  a  window,  and  a  voice 
exclaimed, '  Halloo,  George  !'  I  looked  up,  and  replied, 
*  Harry,  is  that  you  V  We  went  to  the  hotel  together, 
drank,  our  punch,  and  had  a  grand  time.  I  had  not  seen 
him  for  twenty-five  years."  A  gentleman  present  ob- 
served, "  General  Reid,  how  could  you  get  along  with 
such  a  democrat  as  General  Dearborn  is  ?"  Reid,  after 
a  moment's  pause,  replied^  "I  always  was  rather  sorry 
Harry  was  a  democrat,  but  that  is  of  no  consequence 
among  old  officers ;  he  is  a  noble  fellow ;  there  is  no  man 
I  esteem  and  love  more ;  and  if  Jefferson  had  always 
made  as  good  appointments  as  Dearborn,  to  the  war 
office,  I  should  think  much  better  of  him  than  I  now 
do."        .    ■;  ,^-  :   •■       ;    .      .       .    '  .-,    ■     :M    ,,;.,.;.., 

After  Independence  was  secured,  and  acknowledged 
by  Great  Britain,  Colonel  Dearborn,  with  his  companions 
in  arms  who  had  survived  the  fatigues,  hardships,  and 
dangers  of  the  war,  returned  to  the  pursuits  of  private 
life ;  and  he  could  truly  say,  as  to  property,  "  I  went  out 
full  and  returned  empty."    , ., 


^  We  hare  seen  Colonel  Dearborn  in  more  than  eight 
years  of  war,  in  sickness  and  in  health,  in  imprisonment, 
in  victory  and  defeat,  from  Bunker's  Hill  to  the  surrender 
of  Oornwallis,  the  same  ardent  patriot  and  determined 
soldier.  In  camp,  vigilant,  circumspect  and  intelligent; 
in  action  determined,  and  always  pressing  into  close  ac- 
tion with  the  bayonet,  as  at  Saratoga  and  at  Monmouth. 
In  camp  or  action,  always  receiving  the  approbation  of 
his  commanders,  whether  Sullivan,  Gates,  or  Washing- 
ton.-   ■"     ■■'■:'      '■■    ■'■'    ■    -■■■-■■■"■-:    •  • -.^-M  ..•     .•;.-•- ;-^-.v  .V,    • 

All  comparisons  may  be  considered  in  some  measure 
inviduous,  yet  justice  requires,  and  truth  warrants  the 
assertion,  that  of  all  the  officers  of  the  gallant  New 
Hampshire  Ihie  in  the  revolutionary  war,  after  the  deaths 
of  General  Poor  and  Colonel  Scammel,^  Dearborn  stood 
first.  The  writer  is  fully  aware  that  Stark,  Cilley  and 
Reid,  were  all  officers  of  great  merit,  but  he  feels  com- 
pelled  to  make  the  foregoing  declaration  in  favor  of  Col, 
Dearborn.  •     ''  "'  •^^'''      "  ■  ••-'^■•■ 

In  June,  1784,  he  removed  from  New  Hampshire  to 
the  Kennebec  river,  in  Maine.  Before  his  removal,  he 
fortunately  exchanged  some  uncultivated  land  with  the 
trustees  of  Philips's  Exeter  Academy  for  cash,  a  commo- 
dity at  that  time  rarely  to  be  had.  Whether  the  trustees 
were  losers  or  gainers  by  the  exchange,  is  not  known  ; 
but  Col.  Dearborn  always  considered  it  a  fortunate  oc- 
currence, and  in  Uie  light  of  a  favor  to  him. 

In  1787,  he  was  elected  by  the  field-officers  of  several 
regiments  a  brigadier-general  of  the  militia,  and  soon 


125 


on  ^ight 

sonment, 

urrender 

termined 

telligent; 

close  ac- 

Dnmouth. 

)bation  of 

Washing- 

5  measure 
•rants  the 
lant  New 
the  deaths 
)Orn  stood 
:5illey  and 
'eels  com- 
or  of  Col. 

ipshrre  to 
novaly  he 
with  the 
a  commo- 
e  trustees 
;  known ; 
unate  oc- 

several 
md  soon 


4* 


aAer  appointed  major-general  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts.  :  ,^ 
,  President  Washington  never  forgot  his  distinguished 
compatriots  in  arms,  and  when  called  by  the  voice  of  the 
nation  to  the  head  of  the  Federal  Government,  he  nomi- 
nated his  most  deserving  officers  to  offices  of  trust  and 
responsibility ;  among  these  General  Dearborn  was  ap- 
pointed Marshal  of  the  District  of  Maine.  Soon  after 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  Kennebec 
district,  and  re-elected ;  and  in  that  body  took  a  decided 
stand  in  the  House  of  Representatives  against  the  British 
or  Jay's  Treaty,  as  it  was  commonly  called. 

In  this  act  we  see  his  independence  ;  for  he  well  knew 
that  he  acted  contrary  to  the  opinion  and  wishes  of 
Washington.  Washington  believed  the  treaty  to  be 
preferred,  at  that  time,  to  war  with  Great  Britain.  Dear- 
born believed,  and  honestly  believed,  the  treaty  to  be  de- 
rogatory to  the  honor  of  the  American  people  and  Go- 
vernment, and  preferred  war  to  peace  on  such  conditions. 
A  very  great  majority  of  the  American  people  were  then 
opposed  to  the  treaty,  but  Washington  and  the  requisite 
majority  of  the  senate,  twenty  to  ten,  approved  of  it. 

At  this  time  the  people  look  back  with  approbation  of 
Washington  and  the  senate  in  this  affair.  Many  honest 
and  able  patriots  thought  and  acted  with  General  Dear- 
born, relative  to  the  exciting  question  of  Jay's  Treaty. 
In  consequence  of  his  vote  on  this  occasion,  notwith- 
standing his  revolutionary  services  and  great  personal 
popularity,  he  lost  his  election  in  the  Kennebec  district, 

and  remained  a  few  years  in  retirement.  , 

11 


n 


Ifl  i 


126 

In  1801,  the  admmistratton  of  the  Government  passed 
from  the  federal  to  the  democratic  party  after  a  long  and 
bitter  contest,  when  General  Dearborn  was  called  by 
President  Jefferson  to  preside  over  the  War  Department. 
The  federal  party  not  only  opposed  Mr.  Jefferson  for  the 
political  course  he  had  taken  against  the  administration 
of  Washington,  but  for  the  personal  attacks  he  had  made 
on  that  great  and  good  man,  and  all  the  persons  he  had 
confided  in  during  his  administration — John  Adams, 
John  Jay,  Timothy  Pickering  and  Alexander  Hamilton, 
all  his  cotemporaries.  If  these  great  and  honest  patriots 
were  mistaken  in  any  of  their  measures,  they  did  not  de- 
serve the  personal  animadversions  of  Mr.  Jefferson ;  but 
Mr.  Jefferson,  in  part  to  make  amends  for  these  errors, 
called  into  his  cabinet  the  first  men  of  his  party  for  tal- 
ents and  integrity,  such  as  Madison,  Galatin,  and  Dear- 
born. There  was  no  defalcations  among  the  public 
officers  during  the  eight  years  of  his  administering  the 
government. 

When  General  Dearborn  was  about  ta resign,  the  War 
Department  was  examined  by  James  Ilillhouse  and  Ti- 
mothy Pickering,  and  every  thing  found  correct ;  and  so 
they  reported,  although  his  political  opponents.  His  in- 
tegrity in  the  cabinet  was  as  unimpeached  as  his  courage 
and  capacity  had  been  conspicuous  in  the  field.  On  re" 
signing  the  War  Department  he  was  appointed  Collector 
of  the  Port  of  Boston  and  Charlestown ,  the  successor  of 
General  Lincoln,  who  had  held  the  office  under  Wash- 
ington, Adams  and  Jefferson ;  in  which  office  he  remained 
until  the  nation,  deeply  wounded  and  dishonored  by  re- 


127 


nt  passed 
long  and 
railed  by 
partment.    ■ 
m  for  the 
nistration 
had  made 
ns  he  had 
a  Adams, 
Hamilton, 
ist  patriots 
lid  not  de- 
jrson;  but 
lese  errors, 
rty  for  tal- 
and  Dear- 
he  public 
tering  the 

the  War 
se  and  Ti- 
»t ;  and  so 
His  in- 
(is  courage 
.    On  re- 
Collector 
iccessor  of 
ler  Wash- 
remained 
Ired  by  re- 


peated violations  of  its  rights,  resorted  to  arms  to  obtain 
redress.  After  thirty  years  of  prosperous  peace,  the  Go- 
vernment  had  to  select  its  officers  to  command  its  armies 
among  its  citizens.  Could  a  more  eligible  appointment 
have  been  made  for  commander-in-.chief,  than  from  the 
few  existing  veterans  whose  talents  had  been  proved  in 
the  tented  field  and  on  the  day  of  battle  7  Among  this 
small  number  was  General  Dearborn.  During  the  month 
of  January,  1812,  he  received  the  following  letter  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States ; 

"  Washington,  January  11, 1812. 

**  Dear  Sir, 

The  Congress  has  just  passed  an  act,  adding 
twenty  odd  thousand  tp  the  military  establishment.  It 
provides  for  two  major-generals  and  five  brigadiers* 
The  importance  of  placing  this,  and  the  forces  in  view, 
under  the  best  commanders^  speaks  for  itself.  Our  eyes 
could  not  but  be  turned,  on  such  an  occasion,  to  your 
qualifications  and  experience  ;  and  I  wait  for  your  per- 
mission only  to  name  you  to  the  senate  for  the  senior 
major-general. 

"  I  hope  you  wift  so  far  suspend  all  other  considera- 
tions as  not  to  withhold  it,  and  that  I  shall  not  only  be 
gratified  with  this  information  as  quickly  as  possible,  but 
with  an  authority  to  look  for  your  arrival  here  as  soon 
as  you  can  make  it  practicable.  You  will  be  sensible  of 
all  the  value  of  your  co-operation  on  the  spot,  in  making 
the  arrangements  necessary  io  repair  the  loss  of  time 
which  has  taken  place.    All  the  information  we  receive 


i 


128 

iarges  a  Tigotous  preparation  for  events.    Accept  my 
best  respects  and  most  friendly  wishes. 

"JAMES  MADISON.» 

On  the  receipt  of  this  communication,  General  Bear- 
born,  believing  that  the  accumulated  injuries  which  his 
country  had  received  from  Great  Britain,  and  which  still 
remained  unredressed,  required  an  appeal  to  the  God  of 
battles,  informed  the  president  that  his  life  had  ever  been 
devoted  to  the  service  of  his  country,  and  he  felt  himself 
bound  to  obey  her  commands  whenever  his  services  were 
required. 

Early  in  February,  he  received  a  letter  from  the  Pre- 
sident, dated  January  28,  in  which  he  observes :  "  I  have 
just  received  from  the  senate  their  concurrence  (23  to  9) 
in  your  nomination  as  a  major-general.  I  give  you  the 
earliest  notice,  that,  without  waiting  for  a  formal  com- 
munication, you  may  hasten  your  setting  out  for  Wash- 
ington. In  order  to  afford  the  public  the  benefit  of  your 
councils  here,  it  is  very  important  that  you  be  here  with- 
out a  moment's  delay.  In  the  hope  of  seeing  you  very 
speedily,  and  with  every  wish  for  your  happiness,  I  ten- 
der assurances  of  my  esteem  and  friendship."  The  next 
day  after  the  receipt  of  the  foregoing  communication — 
ever  prompt  to  obey  the  commands  of  his  country — he 
left  Boston  for  the  city  of  Washington,  where  he  remain- 
ed until  the  last  of  April,  assisting  in  making  those  ar- 
rangements which  were  deemed  necessary  on  the  antici- 
pated event  of  a  declaration  of  war. 


-;S 


./its;  y.- :  f. 


129 


cept  my 
JON .» 

al  Bear- 

hich  his 
hich  still 
e  God  of 
jver  been 
t  himself 
ices  were 

,  the  Pre- 
:  "  I  have 
I  (23  to  9) 
B  you  the 
mal  cora- 
br  "Wash- 
it  of  your 
lere  with- 
you  very 
!ss,  I  ten- 
rhe  next 
ication — 
try— he 
remain- 
hose  ar- 
ie  antici- 


''-■  He  then  repaired  to  Albany  and  directed  the  establish- 
ment of  barracks,  djpots  of  arms,  provisions,  and  the 
whole  material  of  war,  on  the  no^^ern  and  northwest- 
ern frontier.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to  Boston,  and 
adopted  the  necessary  arrangements  for  putting  the  gar- 
risons and  sea-coasts  of  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  Mas- 
sachusetts proper,  New  Hampshire  and  the  district  of 
Maine,  in  the  best  possible  posture  of  defence.       '   '"  ' 

From  the  above  communications  of  President  Madison, 
rfter  serving  eight  years  with  General  Dearborn  in  the 
cabinet,  and  a  previous  acquaintance  as  members  of 
Congress,  appears  the  entire  confidence  he  placed  in  him 
for  his  integrity  and  ability  in  the  necessary  arrangement 
of  the  army  previous  to  the  declaration  of  war ;  and  this, 
too,  when  the  late  Gov.  Eustis  was  secretary  of  war — a 
gentleman  who  had  passed  the  whole  of  the  revolution- 
ary war,  with  high  reputation,  in  the  staff  of  the  army. 
It  will  be  seen,  hereafter,  that  William  Eustis  was  a  very 
different  person  from  John  Armstrong.  Soon  after  the 
declaration  of  war,  General  Dearborn  repaired  to  Green - 
bush,  to  direct  and  superintend  the  operations  of  the 
opening  campaign.  The  shameful  surrender  of  Hull, 
at  Detroit,  and  subsequent  unfortunate  transactions  on 
the  Niagara,  at  dueenstown  Heights,  frustrated  the  plans 
of  the  campaign  of  1812.  ,  >       . 

Notwithstanding  these  severe  checks,  Gen.  Dearborn 

did  not  relax  in  activity ;  for  as  soon  as  the  troops  went 

into  winter  quarters,  he  was  unremittingly  employed  in 

recruiting  the  army,  and  making  preparations  for  opening 

the  campaign  earlv  the  following  year.    His  expeditious 

11* 


n 


•I 


130 

movements  in  1813,  with  the  regular  nrmy,  preserved 
Sackett's  Harbor,  when  abandoned  by  the  militia,  and 
secured  the  fleet,  th^  frozen  up  at  that  port,  from  a  con* 
templated  attack  of  the  enemy.  Previous  to  the  Gene- 
ral's departure  from  Albany,  in  February,  1813,  he  had 
ordered  Generals  Lewis  and  Boyd  to  the  Niagara  fron* 
tier,  directing  the  former  to  prepare  boats  and  scows» 
erect  batteries,  and  make  every  necessary  arrangement 
for  an  attack  on  Fort  George. 

After  giving  these  orders,  he  repaired  to  Utica  and 
Whitestown,  made  there  arrangements  for  the  transpor- 
tation of  troops  down  the  Oswego  to  Sackett's  Harbor, 
agreeably  to  a  plan  of  operations  which  had  been  sub- 
mitted to  the  secretary  of  war,  and  which  was  left  to  ihe 
general  to  carry  into  effect.  The  projected  plan  was  to 
capture  Little  York,  which  would  give  Conmiodore 
Ghauncey  the  command  of  the  lake,  render  it  impossible 
for  the  enemy  to  furnish  their  troops  and  Indians  with 
stores,  and  cut  off  all  communication  between  Kingston 
and  Maiden,   ^--i  .  •.f..'-,,-.r  •  .    r  ')  '-^-^  ;/■  r...';?-;?. :■■  .?• 

The  plan  was  disclosed  at  the  Harbor  only  to  Com- 
modore Ghauncey  and  General  Pike.  General  Lewis, 
then  at  Niagara,  was  advised  of  the  movement,  and  or- 
dered to  be  in  readiness  for  an  immediate  attack  on  Fort 
George.  After  the  capture  of  York,  the  troops  were  to 
be  transported  to  Niagara,  and  make  an  instant  attack  on 
Fort  George.  This  being  effected,  the  army  was  to  have 
been  transported  back  to  Sackett's  Harbor ;  from  whence* 
with  additional  troops  collecting  by  previous  orders,  they 
were  to  make  an  attack  on  Kingston  in  its  rear ;  while 


I 


['^ 


wseTted 
tia,  and 
Q  a  con* 
ie  Gene- 
,  he  had 
&ra  fron- 
I  scows, 
Qgement 

tica  and 
transpor- 
Harbor, 
een  sub- 
eft  to  the 
n  was  to 
nmodore 
possible 
ins  with 
ingston 

|to  Corn- 
Lewis, 
and  or- 
on  Fort 
were  to 
Ittack  on 
to  have 
whence* 
!rs,  they 
while 


m 

the  fleet  would  batter  the  town,  fortifications,  and  fleet  in 
front.  With  this  system  of  operations  in  view,  General 
Dearborn  sailed  with  sixteen  hundred  men,  as  soon  as 
the  ice  permitted  the  fleet  to  leave  the  Harbor,  i  i'*  *- 
^  York  was  taken  the  27lh  day  of  April,  with  all  the 
stores  of  the  British  army,  a  ship  of  thirty  guns  burnt, 
and  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  of  fourteen  guns,  made  a 
prize.  The  Earl  of  Moira  had  previously  sailed  for 
Kingston.  -         '  •    '     -       '        '    - 

To  show  the  great  confidence  the  army  had  in  their 
commander  and  his  plans,  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  the 
able  and  lamented  General  Z.  M.  Pike,  who  fell  at  the 
capture  of  Little  York,  to  his  wife,  is  here  inserted : 

"  My  Dear  Clara. — ^We  are  now  standing  on  and 
off  the  harbor  of  York,  which  we  shall  attack  at  daylight 
in  the  morning.  1  shall  dedicate  the  last  moments  to  you, 
and  to-morrow  throw  all  other  ideas  but  my  country  to 
the  winds.  As  yet,  I  know  not  if  Gen.  Dearborn  lands : 
he  has  acted  honorably,  and  I  feel  great  gratitude  to  him. 
My  pen  and  sword  shall  both  be  exerted  to  do  him 
honor." 

Upon  the  success  of  the  first  part  of  the  expedition, 
General  Dearborn  sent  an  express  to  inform  Gen.  Lewis 
what  he  had  done,  and  to  notify  him  of  his  intended  ar- 
rival with  the  army  at  Fort  Niagara,  at  which  post  the 
General  arrived  a  few  days  after,  where  he  learned  that 
General  Lewis  was  at  Judge  Potter's,  opposite  Niagara 
Falls,  fourteen  miles  from  his  troops.  Upon  further  in- 
quiry, to  the  disappointment  and  mortification  of  General 
Dearborn,  he  discovered  the  heavy  mortars  were  not  fixed 


1^! 

A 


I      m  V 


■III 


1 


W  'f 


132 

on  their  beds  in  the  fort,  nor  the  battering  cannon  mount- 
ed, nor  the  boats  to  make  the  descent  provided ;  and  Ge- 
neral Winder  with  his  brigade  was  at  Black  Rock,  more 
than  thirty  miles  distant  from  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara, 
where  the  descent  on  the  Canadian  shore  was  to  be 
inade.      «•  •  ' 

Gen.  Dearborn,  who  had  long  known  Gen.  Lewis, 
was  personally  attached  to  him,  and  therefore  unwilling 
in  the  present  instance  to  expose  his  want  of  activity  to 
the  government,  by  assigning  his  gross  negligence  of 
prescribed  duties  and  of  the  positive  instructions  which 
had  been  given,  as  the  cause  of  the  postponement  of  the 
intended  attack;  but,  a  few  days  after,  fearful  it  was 
possible  improper  advantage  might  be  taken,  to  his  pre- 
judice, of  this  magnanimous  forbearance,  in  the  event  of 
disasters,  (which  ultimately  was  done)  he  apprized  the 
secretary  of  war  of  all  the  circumstances  which  had  oc- 
casioned the  unlooked  for  delay  in  the  movement  of  the 
army.  /      ;       .    ;   .    .  •   .:-!  ■_ 

,  The  general,  thus  circumstanced,  knowing  the  enemy 
would  be  reinforced  before  the  boats  to  be  built  would  be 
in  readiness  to  pass  over  the  army,  desired  Commodore 
Chau6cey  to  return  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  in  the  in- 
terim bring  up  General  Chandler's  brigade.  During 
this  period,  five  batteries  were  erected  above  Fort  Nia- 
gara, and  the  boats  which  had  been  commenced  were 
ordered  to  be  finished  with  all  expedition,  and  brought 
round  to  Four  Mile  Creek  ;  the  last  was  effected,  on  the 
river,  under  fire  of  the  enemy's  batteries,  without  any 
loss.    Immediately  on  the  return  of  the  fleet  with  Gen. 


133 


Chandler's  brigade,  the  general  issued  an  order,  which 
never  has  been  published,  "  that  on  the  next  day  the 
troops  should  breakfast  at  two  o'clock,  strike  tents  at 
three,  and  embark  at  four." 

The  situation  and  position  of  the  country  had  been 
previously  obtained  by  spies,  the  plan  of  landing  digested, 
and  the  plan  of  attack  delineated,  which  was  submitted 
to  Generals  Lewis,  Chandler,  Winder  and  Boyd,  and 
met  their  full  approbation.  Excessive  fatigue,  and  fre- 
quent exposures  to  storms,  had  produced  a  violent  feven 
which,  ten  days  previous  to  the  attack  on  Fort  George, 
had  confined  General  Dearborn  to  his  bed. 

The  morning  after  the  general  order  was  announced 
for  the  attack.  General  Lewis  called  on  him  and  said  it 
would  be  impossible  for  the  army  to  embark.  General 
Dearborn,  then  having  some  suspicions  of  the  military 
character  and  energy  of  Gen.  Lewis,  replied,  the  attack 
should  be  made  as  ordered,  that  he  was  prepared,  and 
further  delay  would  not  be  allo^ved.  On  the  morning  of 
the  attack  General  Dearborn  was  mounted  on  his  horse, 
by  assistance,  before  four  o'clock,  in  opposition  to  the 
opinion  of  his  physicians,  and  against  the  remonstrances 
of  the  officers  of  his  staff.  He  rode  to  the  place  of  em- 
barkation— saw  the  troops  on  board  the  fleet  and  boats ; 
General  Lewis,  who  had  the  immediate  command,  now 
first  mixde  his  appearance,  and  expressed  his  great  as- 
tonishment at  the  unexpected  rapidity  with  which  this 
movement  had  been  made.  This  effort  had  so  exhausted 
Gen.  Dearborn,  that  he  was  taken  from  his  horse,  led  to 
a  boat,  and  conveyed  on  board  the  Madison.    On  his 


X34 


* 


I  if 
ills 


way  to  Four-mile  Creek,  Dr.  Mann,  a  hospital  surgeon 
of  the  army,  meeting  Gen.  Dearborn,  said  to  him,  "  I 
apprehend  you  do  not  inte^id  to  embark  with  the  army." 
The  general  replied,  "  1  apprehend  nothing  sir — /  go 
into  battle  or  perish  in  the  attempV^  From  the  first 
dawn  of  day,  and  while  the  army  was  embarking,  a  most 
tremendous  ^re  of  hot  shot  and  shells  from  Fort  Niagara 
and  the  newly  erected  batteries,  was  opened  on  Fort 
George,  and  continued  until  the  block-houses,  barracks 
and  stores  were  enwrapped  in  flames,  and  the  guns  si- 
lenced. 

The  gallant  Colonel  (now  General)  Scott,  with  a  com- 
mand of  eight  hundred  light  troops,  composed  the  ad- 
vance of  the  army,  followed  by  Generals  ^oyd  and  Win- 
der, and  the  reserve  under  Gen.  Chandler..  Col.  Scott 
immediately  made  good  his  landing,  under  a  sheet  of 
fire,  while  the  several  regiments  in  succession  formed  the 
order  of  battle  from  right  to  left,  in  a  most  soldier-like 
manner.  This  landing  of  the  army  and  escalade  of  a 
bank  twenty  feet  high,  similar  to  a  parapet,  has  been 
considered  the  handsomest  military  display  on  the  nor- 
thern frontier  during  the  war. 

General  Dearborn,  from  his  great  exertions^  added  to 
his  state  of  health,  was  unable  to  support  himself  more 
than  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  on  his  feet  at  once ;  but 
he  was  frequently  up,  watching  their  movements.  The 
troops  had  all  landed,  (except  the  reserve)  when  Gen* 
Lewis  still  remained  on  board.  General  Dearborn,  exer- 
cising his  usual  delicacy  with  him,  merely  suggested  to 
him,  whether  he  ought  not  to  land,  and  then  retired. 


lurgeon 
iim,  "I 
army." 
—J  go 
he  first 
,  a  most 
Niagara 
>n  Fort 
3arracks 


runs  SI- 


1  a  com- 
the  ad- 
id  Win- 
[)1.  Scott 
Isheet  of 
med  the 

er-like 
de  of  a 
as  been 

le  por- 

dded  to 
f  more 
ce;  but 
The 
n  Gen* 
1,  exer- 
sted  to 
ed. 


135 

Within  twenty  minutes,  General  Dearborn  again  came 
on  deck,  and  finding  Gen.  Lewis  still  on  board,  repeated 
his  suggestions  for  him  to  land ;  notwithstanding  which, 
Gen.  Lewis  was  not  on  shore  until  after  the  battle^ 
The  enemy  had  now  fallen  back  between  the  village  of 
Newark  and  fort  George.  After  Gen.  Lewis  had  land* 
ed,  an  hour  and  a  half  passed  away,  and  four  thousand 
men  formed  in  order  of  battle.  With  a  fine  train  of  artil- 
lery, were  seen  standing  still ;  while  the  enemy,  not 
more  than  twelve  hundred «  was  manoeuvering  for  a  re- 
treat. At  this  moment  Gen.  Dearborn^  in  agony  at  the 
delay,  sent  his  D.  A.,  Gen.  Beebe,  to  Gen.  Lewis,  with 
orders  "to  move  instantly,  surround  the  enemy,  and 
cut  them  up."  Even  after  this  order,  it  was  an  hour 
before  Generals  Boyd,  Chandler  and  Scott,  with  all 
their  arguments,  could  induce  Gen.  Lewis  to  advance — 
and  then  only  to  the  south  side  of  Newark,  three-fourths 
of  a  mile  from  his  first  position,  when  the  line  was  again 
formed,  and  continued  until  the  enemy  had  retreated  in 
the  rear  of  Fort  George,  and  took  the  route  to  dueens- 
town  Heights.  Colonel  Scott,  however,  pursued  the  re- 
treating broken  army  without  orders  three  miles,  and 
would  not  desist  in  his  pursuit  until  four  aids-de-camp 
of  Gen.  Lewis  had  been  dispatched  to  order  his  return. 
Late  in  the  day,  the  ship  Madison  moved  up  the  river  in 
front  of  Fort  George,  where  Gen.  Dearborn  was  taken 
on  shore  and  carried  to  his  quarters,  much  exhausted. 

Meeting  with  Gen.  Lewis,  he  expressed  his  disappro- 
bation of  his  conduct,  and  ordered  him  to  put  the  army 
in  pursuit  of  the  enen>y  at  five  o'clock  the  next  morning* 


:1; 


11  .^: 


s.a 


136 

Instead  of  wliich,  he  did  not  move  until  five  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon.  Upon  his  arrival  at  Queenstown  Heights, 
he  learnt  the  enemy  had  made  a  rapid  movement  towards 
the  head  of  Lake  Ontario,  by  the  Beaver  Dam,  and  sent 
back  a  report  to  that  effect. 

-'  Gen.  Dearborn  having,  on  his  part,  neglected  nothing 
to  secure  the  advantage  obtained  over  the  enemy — mor- 
tified and  provoked  at  the  dereliction  of  duty  in  any  ofii- 
cer,  and  unwilling  that  a  broken  and  disconcerted  army 
should  escape,  sent  for  Commodore  Chauncey  and  re- 
quested him  to  take  part  of  the  army  on  board  his  fleet, 
and  proceed  with  them  to  the  head  of  the  lake,  while  the 
remainder  would  march  by  the  lake  road,  and  thus  make 
certain  the  capture  of  the  enemy.  To  this  proposition 
the  commodore  readily  agreed.  Orders  were  in  conse. 
quence  sent  to  Gen.  Lewis  to  return.  On  the  following 
moming,  Chauncey  called  on  the  general,  and  informed 
him,  that  on  reflection  it  would  be  imprudent  in  him  to 
delay  his  return  to  Sacketl's  Harbor,  as  it  was  of  the  ut- 
most importance  that  the  new  ship,  Gen.  Pike,  should  be 
got  out  on  the  lake  with  all  possible  despatch  ;  while  the 
weak  state  of  that  garrison  would  favor  an  attack  from 
a  much  superior  force  at  Kingston,  (which  before  his 
return  actually  took  place,)  and  destroy  his  new  ship, 
and  thus  give  Sir  Jamee  Yeo  the  command  of  the  lake* 
To  the  correctness  of  these  remarks,  and  having  no  com- 
mand over  Com.  Chauncey,  Gen.  Dearborn  was  obliged 
to  yield.  Thus  frustrated  in  his  expectation  of  assis- 
tance from  the  fleet,  he  ordered  Generals  Chandler's  and 
Winder^s  brigades  to  follow  the  enemy  on  the  lake  road, 


lock  in 
leights, 
;owards 
nd  sent 

nothing 
r— mor- 
iny  offi- 
d  army 
and  re- 
tiis  fleet, 
hile  the 
us  make 
•position 
n  conse. 
)llowing 
nformed 
him  to 
the  ut- 
lould  be 
^hile  the 
;k  from 
fore  his 
w  ship, 
le  lake* 
10  com- 
obliged 
f  assis- 
3r's  and 
ce  road, 


i3r 

while  ammtinitibn  and  provisions  were  transported  id 
batteaux  to  the  head  of  the  Take.  These  brigades 
marched^  and  having  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
enemy's  camp  late  in  the  afternoon,  it  was  thought  most 
prudent  to  wait  and  make  the  attack  on  the  following 
morning.  But  the  enemy,  from  their  inferiority  in  nunj- 
bers^  thought  it  most  wise  to  do  all  they  could  ever  do 
before  next  morning :  they  attacked  these  brigades  in  the 
night,  and  carried  oflT  Generals  Chandler  and  Winder 
pi'isoners.  How  this  happened  has  never  been  satisfac- 
torily explained ;.  but  the  captured  Generals  have  never 
been  accused  of  i<bo  much  circumspection  on  that  occa- 
sion.    •  *~'^--'  '     ■     '•'   •■•'  ■■■  ■     ■     ■    •    ■  -''■'>■■;■  I 

The  command  now  devolved  on  Col.  Burnsy  who 
called  a  council  of  war :  it  was  determined  to  send  back 
to  Gen.  Dearborn  (forty  miles  distant,)  inform  him  of  the 
event,  and  wait  his  orders.  The  express  arrived  at 
night.  Gen.  Dearborn  called  Generals  Lewis^  Boyd 
and  Swartwout,  and  ordered  them  to  set  out  immediately 
for  the  army,  and  attack  the  enemy.  The  two  latter 
Generals  were  ready  to  start  instantly ;  but  Gen.  Lewis 
observed  that  it  rained  and  was  dark,  and  did  not  get  in 
readiness  until  the  next  day.  The  day  after  these 
officers  departed  to  join  the  army,  the  British  fleet  hove 
in  sight ;  approached  to  take  the  soundings  opposite  Port 
Niagara,  and  appeared  to  be  designating  a  place  for  land- 
ing troops.  In  consequence  of  which.  General  Dearborn 
recalled  the  army  from  Stoney  Creek.  ;.-.., 

Com.  Chauncey  was  confident,  when  he  sailed  from 


i' 


rjii^ 


138 

the  Niagara,  he  should  be  able  to  get  the  new  ship  out 
by  the  tenth  of  June,  and  that,  in  the  mean  time^  the 
British  would  not  dare  to  come  out  on  the  lake.  They 
did  appear,  however^  in  a  few  days  after  the  Commo- 
dore's departure,  and  thereby  prevented  the  operations 
against  the  enemy  which  were  contemplated.  The 
roads  were  such,-  that  it  was  impossible  to  transport  pro- 
visions and  supplies  for  the  army  by  land ;  while  it 
would  have  been  madness  to  attempt  it  in  batteaux  by 
water,  while  the  British  fleet  was  on  the  lake.  Thus 
situated,  Gen.  Dearborn  determined  to  await  the  return 
of  the  Commodore,  repair  to  Fort  George,  and  be  in 
readiness  to  move  as  soon  as  the  fleet  arrived.  An 
express  arrived  from  Commodore  Chauncey,  advising  he 
could  not  move  before  the  30th  of  June. 

At  this  peiiod,^  Gen.  Dearborn's  health  was  reduced  so 
low  as  to  compel  him  to  relinquish  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  the  army,  and  the  command,  pro  tern,  devolved 
on  Gen.  Boyd.  A  few  days  after,  information  was  re- 
ceived that  a  party  of  British,  Indians  and  militia,  had 
established  a  post  sixteen  miles  from  Fort  George,  from 
whence  were  sent  plundering  parties  in  every  direction, 
to  harass  and  plunder  those  inhabitants  who  were  friendly 
to  the  United  States  *,  and  where  a  depot  of  provisions 
had  been  collected.  It  was  of  importance  that  this  post 
should  be  broken  up ;  and  to  put  it  beyond  a  doubt* 
that  a  plan  to  eflect  it  should  succeed,  a  select  corps  was 
formed  of  Ave  hundred  picked  infantry,  and  a  detach- 
ment of  mounted  volunteers,  selected  because  they  were 
acquainted  with  the  country ;  also  a  detachment  of  light 


i 


»hif)  out 
ime^  the 
They 
Commo- 
perations 
I.     The 
iport  pro- 
while  it 
teaux  by 
J.    Thus 
le  return 
nd  be  in 
^ed.    An 
Lvising  he 

educed  so 
Hate  com- 
devolved 
Q  was  re- 
ilitia,  had 
)rge,  from 
direction, 
e  friendly 
rovisions 
this  post 
a  doubt» 
;orps  was 
a  detach- 
;hey  were 
t  of  light 


139 

artillery,  with  one  twelve  and  one  si:;  pounder«  to  batter 
down  the  sttpne  house,  if  it  should  be  garrisoned  for 
defence. 

It  became  a  question  who  should  take  the  orders  of 
this  expedition,  as  a  number  of  Colonels  requested  the 
command ;  and  among  others  was  Col.  Boerstler.  This 
officer  stood  in  the  highest  repute  for  his  talents^  enter- 
prise and  bravery.  To  him  it  was  assigned.  After  this 
arrangement  was  made,  General  Boyd,  with  Colonels 
Scott,  Christie,  and  other  officers,  who  approved  the 
measure,  waited  on  Gen.  Dearborn,  and  asked  his  opinion, 
which  was  in  accordance  with  theirs.  f     .   \  r 

Gen.  Boyd  gave  orders  to  Col.  Boerstler  to  march  at 
dusk,  reach  the  object  of  the  enterprise  at  sunrise,  sur- 
round the  house«  capture  the  party,  destroy  the  provisions, 
and  return  immediately  to  camp.  The  following  day, 
June  25th,  about  twelve  o'clock,  an  express  arrived  from 
Colonel  Boerstler,  with  information  that  he  was  attacked 
within  two  or  three  miles  of  the  house,  had  fallen  back 
into  an  open  field,  and  there  would  defend  himself  until 
he  was  reinforced.  Gen.  Boyd,  and  Colonels  Scott  and 
Christie  waited  on  Gen.  Dearborn,  and  stated  to  him 
these  facts.  Gen.  Dearborn  considered  this  such  an 
extraordinary  decision  of  Col.  Boerstler,  that  upon  a 
moment's  reflection,  he  would  either  fight  a  decisive 
battle,  or  make  a  rapid  retreat  until  he  met  the  reinforce- 
ment ;  for  Boerstler  well  knew  the  enemy  was  not  half 
the  distance  from  him  that  he  was  from  Fort  George, 
and  could  be  reinforced  and  cut  him  off  before  it  was 
possible  to  send  him  relief.     General  Boyd,  however, 


> 

:'fll 

i 

^^9 

i 

''^ra 

1 

,1 

^ 

j^^M 

-( 

1 

t 

■ 

140 


•J" 


I.  p 


ii  ■,* . 

■      31 


ordered  Ck>Ionel  Christie,  with  a  detaehment  of  three  or 
four  hundred,  to  march ;  who,  upon  his  arrival  at  Queens- 
town,  sent  back  an  express  that  information  was  obtained, 
that  at  one  o'clock  Col.  Boerstler  surrendered.  This 
report  was  considered  impossible  by  all.  The  General 
renev/ed  the  order  to  push  on.  A  short  period  after,  a 
second  express  arrived  from  Col«  Christie,  stating  that 
he  had  further  positive  information,  that  Boerstler  had 
surrendered;  when  the  reinforcing  detachment  was 
ordered  to  return. 

General  Dearborn  was  censured  for  this  affair,  in 
anonymous  letters  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer 
fabricated  at  Washington,  or  by  some  of  the  corps  tPett' 
pionage  in  the  army.  The  unvarnished  fact  is,  that 
Gen.  Boyd  ordered  five  hundred  and  sixty  selected  men 
to  destroy  a  post,  garrisoned,  as  he  was  informed,  not  by 
more  than  one  hundred  and  eighty  British,  Indians  and 
militia.  It  was  for  this  public  ostensible  reason  Gen. 
Dearborn  was  censured.  The  secret  reason  was  known 
to  the  then  Secretary  of  War,  General  John  Armstrong. 

The  troops  felt  themselves  disgraced  by  the  surrender 
of  Boerstler,  while  a  gloom  pervaded  the  army,  which 
Gen.  Dearborn  found  necessary  to  dissipate;  and  his 
health  improving,  he  the  next  morning  resumed  the 
command  of  the  army<  He  was  astonished  to  find  that 
such  was  the  panic  occasioned  by  this  affair,  that  every 
exertion  was  requisite  to  reetore  tranquility  and  firmness 
among  the  troops.  A  sentiment  had  gone  abroad  that 
the  army  must  recross  the  Niagara,  and  abandon  the 
Canadian  shore. 


hree  or 
iueens- 
btained, 
.  This 
General 
after,  a 
ng  that 
tier  had 

ent  was 

j    .■:..^'^ 

affair,  in 
ligencer 
rps  tPeft- 
it  is,  that 
stedmen 
a,  not  by 
ans  and 
on  Gen. 
3  known 
strong, 
irrender 
which 
and  his 
bed  the 
nd  that 
|at  every 
rmness 
ad  that 
ion  the 


141 

He  assembled  the  field  officers,  stated  the  dangerous 
tendency  of  the  prevailing  gloom,  and  that  every  exer- 
tion must  be  made  to  animate  the  army  ;  that  they  were 
capable  of  maintaining  their  position,  and  he  never 
would  consent  to  a  retrograde  movement.  The  officers 
coincided  with  him  in  opinion,  and  were  directed  to  dis- 
seminate this  determination  among  the  troops.  To 
convince  them  of  the  unalterable  decision  of  the  General, 
the  boats  were  ordered  to  the  American  side  of  the  river : 
to  restore  confidence  in  the  troops  of  the  strength  of  their 
position,  every  exertion  was  made  to  put  Fort  George 
in  the  best  possible  posture  of  defence.  The  General, 
at  this  period,  had  so  far  recovered  as  to  mark  out  the 
form  of  the  works,  which  were  thrown  up  in  twenty- 
four  hours. 

The  enemy,  having  received  large  reinforcements 
advanced  to  Twenty  Mile  Creek.  The  officers  were 
gratified  to  see  the  General  in  command,  after  a  fever  of 
thirty-six  days.  A  few  nights  after  the  army  was  in- 
trenched, he  mounted  his  horse  on  an  alarm,  rode  down 
the  line,  and  as  he  passed,  harangued  the  troops  that 
victory  was  certain,  and  the  next  day  would  close  the 
war  at  that  end  of  the  lake.  The  unexpected  appear- 
ance of  the  Commander-in-Chief  at  the  head  of  the  army, 
after  so  severe  a  sickness,  renewed  their  confidence; 
while  his  exhortations  to  them  to  conduct  themselves 
like  Americans  who  were  never  beaten,  inspired  them 
with  animation.  General  Bearborn,  notwithstanding 
his  renewed  exertions  before  his  strength  was  fully  rein- 
stated, had  rapidly  recovered  his  health,  when,  on  the 

12* 


U2 


lith  of  July,  the  extraordinary  and  unexpected  order  to 
retire  from  command,  was  received  from  the  Secretary 
01  war.  ■    '  ■  •(,<!  1,1'^' I 

While  Gen.  Dearborn  was  confined  to  his  quarten  at 
Fort  George,  by  severe  indispositioni  which  made  it 
necessary  for  him  to  relinquish  the  command  of  the  army> 
for  a  few  days,  General  Lewis  made  a  communicatioii 
to  the  Secretary  of  War  relative  to  the  expedition  to 
Stony  Creek,  in  which  he  indelicately  alluded  to  Gen- 
eral Dearborn,  and  observed  that,  **he  toould  never  be 
Jit /or  service  again.^^  Gen.  Dearborn  wrote  Gen.  Lewis 
the  following  letter,  as  soon  as  he  noticed  his  in  the 
National  Intelligencer.  ,  *  'n 


!i'' 


:"rc.' 


**  Niagara^  July  7thf  1813*  <*< 
Dear  Sir,—  'f' 

Notwithstanding  your  gloomy  predictions,  in  your 
official  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War ;  whether,  *  FHf 
or  *  Not,'  it  is  more  than  ten  days  since  I  reassumed 
the  command  of  the  army,  and  the  9th  military  district 
of  course.  Your  delicate  description  of  my  state  of 
health  was  peculiarly  calculated  for  soothing  the  minds 
of  my  children  and  friends,  who  had  been  previously 
informed  of  my  indisposition.  ....     , 

Your  motives  must  be  best  known  to  yourself,  but 
from  your  general  deportment  as  a  gentleman  of  sensibil- 
ity and  politeness,  I  could  not  have  believed  you  capable 
of  so  far  deviating  from  your  usual  character.  In  your 
account  of  the  affair  at  Stoney  Creek,  the  decided  and 
positive  condemnation  of  a  general  officer,  whose  situa< 


143 


order  to 
ecretary 

arters  at 
made  it 
he  army 
inicatioii 
dition  to 
to  Gen- 
tever  be 
1.  Lewis 
9  in  the 

.(A 

X813.!»i 
•,.  V 

in  your 
er,«i^^ 
issumed 

district 
state  of 
e  minds 
3viously 

self,  but 
sensibil- 
capable 
In  your 
led  and 
e  situa- 


Cion  will  not  admit  of  his  vindicating  himself,  may  haro 
been  premature.  '•  ... 

I  should  not»  sir,  have  troubled  you  with  any  remarks 
on  your  official  report,  had  it  not  sentenced  me  to  death, 
and  as  I  conceive,  without  just  cause,  and  in  a  manner 
too,  not  the  most  delicate,  and  quite  unnecessary  in  such 
arc{M>rt«  >k>n<^  ■{■''■  ■'^^ I  !-'*•  '{•-''  ■  i  ■'  >  '  ' 
!)iU.\,^uiAii\i-ii>'.         Vour  obedient  servant  &c. 

H.  DEARBORN. 

QvnEfLXh  Lbwis." 


:<J 


As  a  proof  of  the  motive  which  induced  General 
Lb  wis,  who  was  the  brci  therein -law  of  Armstrong,  to 
write  the  letter,  and  that  his  predictions  were  not  such 
as  he  reqiUy  believed ;  a  few  days  after  the  date  of  his 
letter  to  the  department  of  War,  while  at  home,  on  his 
way  to  Sacketfs  Harbor,  whither  he  had  been  ordered 
by  General  Dearborn,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  him,  urging 
him  to  reassume  the  command  of  the  army,  as  he 
understood  General  Hampton  had  arrived  at  Albany, 
and  was  fearful  he  would  take  command  of  District  No. 
9;  and  stated  that  he  had  no  confidence  in  him,  and 
conceived  it  highly  important  for  the  good  of  the  Union, 
that  Gen.  Dearborn  should  immediately  reassume  hi* 
command.  In  his  reply  to  Gen.  Dearborn's  letter,  he 
stated  that  he  intended  no  reflection  on  him,  and  **  had 
no  idea  the  letter  would  have  been  published"  which 
he  wrote  Armstrong ;  thus  clearly  showing,  that  he  did 
not  believe  to  be  true,  what  he  stated  in  relation  to  Gen. 
Dearborn's  health,  or  capacity  to  command,  but  that  it 


■n 


i 


I    '! 


144 

was  to  be  made  use  of  privately^  by  being  shown  the 
President  to  injure  Gen.  Dearborn  ;  for  if  he  believed 
Qen.  Dearborn  would  never  •'  be  Jit  for  service  agaitii* 
why  did  he  urge  him  to  reassutne  the  command  of  the 
army,  within  five  or  six  days  after  the  date  of  the  letter 
tQ  Armstrong ;  for  the  order  to  remove  Qen.  Dearborn 
was  dated  but  a  few  days  after  Lewis's  communication 
was  published  in  the  Intelligencer ;  notwithstanding  the 
Secretary  had  previously  received  a  letter  from  General 
Dearborn,  informing  him  of  the  rapid  recovery  of  his 
health,  and  that  he  had  reassumed  the  command  of 
the  army,  which  letter,  it  is  presumed  he  did  not  show 
the  President,  but  ordered  his  immediate  removal,  which 
was  with  difficulty  effected,  as  will  appear  from  the  fol- 
lowing sketch  of  a  conversation,  which  took  place  be- 
tween Gen.  Wilkinson  and  Armstrong  on  the  subject. 
"  John  Armstrong,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  War,  told  General 
Wilkinson  on  the  1st  or  2d  of  August,  1813,  that  it  was 
with  difficulty  he  could  prevail  on  the  President,  calling 
him  the  "  little  man,^*  to  agree  to  the  recall  of  General 
Dearborn  from  command,  and  informed  Wilkinson  at 
the  same  time,  that  disobedience  of  orders  was  one  of 
the  causes  of  Gen.  Dearborn's  recall  from  command. 
He  gave  the  same  reason  to  Dr.  Ball  for  Gen.  Dearborn's 
recall ;  and  in  a  series  of  documents  respectins;  the  cam- 
paign, which  were  submitted  to  General  Wilkinson  by 
Armstrong,  the  fact  of  Gen.  Dearborn's  disobedience  of 
orders,  was  endeavored  to  be  sustained  by  the  circum- 
stance of  his  attack  on  York,  instead  of  Kingston,  as 
he  was  ordered.     The  assertion  as  to  the  disobedience 


I 


; 


I 

k 


wn  the 
lelieved 

\  of  the 

e  letter 

Barbom 

[lication 

ling  the 

Grcneral 

of  his 

\and  of 

ot  show 

,  which 

the  fol- 

lace  be- 

subject. 

Greneral 

it  was 

calling 

eneral 

ison  at 

one  of 

mand. 

rborn's 

^e  cam- 

(son  by 

;nce  of 

tircum- 

toriy  as 

\(iience 


146 

of  orders  above  alluded  to  is  unfounded,  as  will  appear 
by  a  letter  from  Gen.  Armstrong  to  Gen.  Dearborn,  con^ 
tained  in  a  report  from  the  former  to  Congress,  the  next 
winter  after  the  capture  of  York,  in  which  that  move- 
ment is  approved  and  was  sanctioned.     *  '-  ^' 


V    \^%-9     »T* 


.'i)    « 


Sir, 


t  i 


War  Departmenti  6/A  /iz/y,  1813. 


I  have  the  orders  of  the  President  to  express 
to  you  his  decision,  that  you  retire  from  the  com- 
mand of  District  No.  9,  and  the  troops  within  the  same, 
until  your  health  be  re-established,  and  until  further 
orders.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir,  with  very  great 
respect,  your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant. 
X'Pl  m  ^^i'^..   -A  ,^  VjoHN  AEMSTRONa. 

Ma#.  Gen.  H.  Dearborn.*' 


rtf. 


GENERAL  ORDERS. 
Mead  Quarters^  Port  Oeurg^,  July  Ist^  1813. 
Having  received  an  order  from  the  Secretary  of  War, 
to  retire  from  my  present  commsuid,  until  my  health 
shall  he  re-estahliiihed,  and  until  further  orders^  the 
command  of  the  army  will  at  present  devolve  on  Brigade 
General  Boyd.  I  embrace  this  occasion  for  expressing 
my  hearty  and  most  ardent  wishes  for  the  happiness  and 
success  of  the  troops  I  have  had  the  honor  of  command- 
ing ;  of  whose  bravery  and  zeal  in  the  service  of  their 
country,  I  have  experienced  the  most  distinguished 
proofs,  and  for  whose  fame  and  welfare,  I  feel  the  warm- 
est and  strongest  interest.    While  absent,  the  confidence 


I 


m 


I   ill 


I 


r^ 


If' 


4: 


146 

I  shall  repose  in  the  soldierly  c{u%Uties  of  the  ofikers 
and  men^  will  be  ^  source  of  th,e  most  pleasing  antici- 
pations pf  their  future  glory.  Were  I  permitted  to  con- 
sult my  own  feelings,  no  cojnsideration  would  induce  me 
to  leave  the  army  at  this  in^portant  jcrisis ;  ^ut  ^  duty 
of  a  soldier  is  to  obey  the  orders  of  his  superiors, 

II.  DEARBORN, 
Itfaj.  Gen.  Com,  Military  District  No,  ^^\ 

About  twelve  o'clock  on  the  day  the  foregoing  order 
was  promulgated,  the  following  address,  signed  by  all 
the  field  and  staff  officers  of  the  army,  stationed  at  Fort 
^eorge,  was  presented  to  .General  x)8arbom..  ;  \y  , 

Fort  George^  My  15, 1813. 
To  Major  General  Dearborn,  commanding,  4C.  ac. 
Sir,— 

We,  the  undersigned,  general  and  field  officers  of 
the  army,  who  hQ.ve  seryed  under  your  orders  the  present 
campaign,  having  heard  with  regret,  thdt  it  is  your  in- 
tention to  retire  from  your  present  command^  beg  leave 
respectfully  to  address  you  upon  the  subject.  We  are 
far  from  presuming,  sir,  to  interfere  with  arrangements 
made  by  authority  when  announced,  but  humbly  con- 
ceive the  present  circumstances  of  this  army  are  such  as 
will,  when  taken  into  serious  consideration,  convince  you 
that  your  longer  continuance  with  us  is  of  the  first  inx- 
pprtance,  at  this  moment,  if  not  absolutely  indispensable 
to  the  good  of  the  service.  We  are  now  in  a  hostile 
country,  and  in  the  immedjiate  neighborhood  of  a  pow- 


tl 


147 


offioen 
;  antici- 
.  to  con- 
iucemo 
he  duty 

ig  order 

I  by  all 

at  Fort 


.  .1       I. 


1813. 

,  4C.  *C. 

ficers  of 
present 
four  ki- 
g  leave 
We  are 
reraents 
ly  con- 
such  as 
ice  you 

rst  ioi- 
msable 

hostile 
pow- 


erful, though  beaten  etiemy — an  enemy  whose  strength 
is  daily  recruiting  by  the  arriv&l  of  reinforcements.  In 
our  own  numbers^  too,  we  have  strength  and  confidence ; 
our  position  has  been  well  chosen  for  defence,  and  the 
moment  for  advancing  upon  the  enemy  may  soon  be 
expected  to  come.  But  to  operate  with  success,  it  is 
necessary  that  we  should  have  our  compliment  of  officers. 
But  two  Generals  now  remain,  whereas  our  numbers 
would  give  full  employment  for  three.  If  you,  too, 
unfortunately  should  be  taken  from  us  (at  such  a  period 
as  the  present,)  the  c  f  oiencies  cannot  be  soon  supplied, 
and  in  the  meantime  the  enemy  and  the  renewal  of 
operations  are  at  hand.  -'    j 

Sir,  we  are  far  from  distrusting  our  own  ability  to 
execute  the  commissions  with  which  we  have  respec- 
tively  been  honored  by  our  Government,  and  have  no 
design  of  converting  this  address  into  one  of  mere  per- 
sonal adulation.    We  know  your  averseness  to  flattery, 
and,  as  soldiers,  we  are  unaccustomed  to  flatter.    But 
the  circumstances  under  which  we  address  you  oblige 
us  to  say,  that  the  knowledge  we  possess  of  your  numer- 
ous services  and  merits,  in  the  ardent  struggles  of  our 
glorious  Revolution — not  tc  speak  of  more  recent  events, 
in.  which  we  might  be  supposed  tor  feel  to'o  warmly  as 
participators— -has  given  us  an  infinitely  higher  confi- 
dence in  your  ability  to  command,  with  energy  and 
effect,  than  we  cam  possibly  feel  individually  in  ourselves, 
or  generally  in  those  who  will  be  placed  in  stations  of  in- 
creasing responsibility,  by  your  withdrawal  from  this  army , 

As  soldiers,  we  trust  we  shall  be  found  equal  to  oup 


148 


M 


'A 


duties  in  any  event ;  but  as  soldiers  and  lowers  of  our 
country,  we  wish  to  perform  our  duties  under  the  most 
favorable  auspices;  therefore  we  do  most  eame^ftly 
entreat  you  to  postpone  the  resolution  we  understand  you 
have  taken,^  and  ta  continue  in  the  e&ercise  of  that  com- 
mand, which  you  have  already  holden  with  honor  to  your- 
self and  country,  and  with  what  is  of  less  consequence, 
the  approbation  of  those  who  now  address  you.  If, 
however,  contrary  to  our  ardent  wishes,  and  contrary  to 
what  appear  the  exigencies  of  this  army,  you  should 
feel  yourself  bound  from  any  cause  whatever,  to  with- 
draw from  the  frontier,  in  such  event,  we  haVe  to  beg 
that  you  will  please  to  bear  with  you,  whithersoever  yon 
may  go,  the  recollection  of  our  great  veneration  for  your 
revolutionary  services ;  our  respect  for  your  political 
constancy  and  virtue ;  and  the  high  sense  we  unani- 
mously entertain  of  the  benefits  your  country  has  al- 
ready received  at  your  hands,  since  the  cOmmencemem 
of  the  present  war.  With  these  sentiments,  and  the  best 
wishes  for  the  speedy  and  perfect  restoration  of  your 
health,  we  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  highest  grati- 
tude and  respect,  yoiir  most  obedient  servants, 


"•5      »•,*■' 


t.  P.  BOYD,  Brigadier  Cteneral. 
M.  PORTER,  Col.  light  artUleiy. 
JAMES  BURNS,  Col. 2d  reg.  drag. 
H.  BRADY,  Col.  22d  infantry. 
C.  PEARCE,  Col.  16th  infantry. 
JAMES  MILLER  Col.  6th  inf. 
W.  SCOTT,  Col.  and  Adi't  Gein. 
E.  BEEBE,  Assistant  Adj't  Gen. 
H.  V.  MILTON,  Lieut.  Col.  Sthinf. 
X.  CHRY8TIE,  Col.  22d  infantry. 
I.  P.  PRESTON  LtCol  12th  infcom. 
J.  P.  MITCHELL,  Lt  Col  3rd  artil 
I.  L.  SiMITH,  Lt.  Col.'24th  inf. 


[A.  EUSTIS,  Major  lirfitartilteiy 
T,  A.  POSEY,  Maior  5th  iiift 
.L  H.  HUYICH.Mjgor  13th  inf. 
N.  PINKEY,  MajorSthreg't.    -I 
R.  LUCAS,  Mmor  23d  inf. 
I.  WOODFORD,  Maj.  2d  reg.  dittg. 
J.  JOHNSON,  Major  2  Ist  inf.    s^ 
W.  CUMMING,  Major  8th  inf.     " 
I.  E.  WOOL,  Major  infantry.   V' 
W.  MORGAN,  M^or  12th  inf.  .,^ 
B.  FORSYTH,  Mjyor  rifle  reg'i'' 
A.  M.  MALCOMB,  Major  18th  inf. 


,.1 ",'. 


ro  of  our 
the  most 
earne^y 
land  ytm 
ihat  com- 
r  to  yottP- 
;equ6tice, 
ton.  If, 
mtrary  to 
u  should 
to  with- 
^e  to  beg 
)ever'yOti 
I  fot  your 

political 
re  unahi- 

has  al- 
Bncemem 

the  best 

of  your 
est  grati- 

artiltery 
|h  Inf. 
13.th.inf. 
reg't. 

1  reg.  uO^. 
St  inf. 
Jthinf. 
intiy.   ^" 
thinf.  ,^ 
ie  reg'tJ 
or  13th  inf. 


149 

To  the  foregoing  address,  General  Dearborn  made  the 
following  reply : 

Gentlemen, 

It  is  with  sentiments  of  grateful  feeling,  and  the 
liveliest  satisfaction,  that  I  have  observed  your  expres- 
sions of  personal  friendship  and  confidence.  I  regret 
that  my  ability  to  serve  my  country  is  not  commensurate 
with  the  devotion  and  zeal  I  have  ever  felt,  for  the  cause 
in  which  it  is  so  honorably  engaged ;  a  cause  on  which 
our  national  character,  and  the  dearest  rights  of  indi- 
viduals are  spiked. 

By  referring  to  the  j  :  Jial  order  of  this  date,  you  will 
perceive  the  necessity/  of  my  retiring  from  the  command 
of  the  army  on  this  frontier.  Be  assured,  gentlemen, 
that  a  recollection  of  the  patience  and  4ioldier-like  de- 
portment of  yourselves,  and  the  officers  and  men  under 
your  command,  in  scenes  of  privation  and  suffering — 
your  regularity  and  discipline  in  camp — your  cool  intre- 
pidity in  the  hour  of  threatening  and  danger—and  order 
and  bravery  in  action,  will  be  among  my  most  pleasing 
remembrances  throughout  life ;  and  I  look  forward  with 
confidence  to  the  future  glory  of  the  soldiers  who  con- 
quered at  York  and  Newark.  Be  pleased,  gentlemen,  to 
accept  my  warmest  wishes  for  ycur  health  and  happi- 
ness, and  may  your  arduous  and  honorable  services  be 
duly  appreciated  by  the  government,  and  a  grateful 
country.    I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.,  &c., 

H.  DEARBORN." 


if 

m 


<IO 


/t^ 


I; 


M 
ill 


150 

General  Dearborn  having  determined  to  leave  Fort 
George  at  three  o^cIock,  all  the  officers  waited  on  him  at 
two,  and,  each  shaking  hi  i  by  the  hand,  took  an  afiec- 
tionaie  leave ;  then  accompanied  him  to  the  banks  of 
the  Niagara,  whence  he  embarked  to  cross  the  river. 
The  military  band  placed  in  Brock's  Bastion  paid  ap- 
propriate honors  to  their  departing  General,  and  a  salute 
was  fired  from  the  ramparts  of  the  fort.  A  troop,  of 
horse  received  him  on  the  opposite  shore,  and  escorted 
him  to  Lewistown.  As  soon  as  he  reached  Utica,  he 
sent  the  following  letter  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States: 


W'i 


A'     i 


\i ; 


"  Utica,  July  24,  1813. 
To  THE  President  op  the  United  States  : 

Sir — From  the  unequivocal  and  positive  order  re- 
ceived from  tlie  Secretary  of  War,  (a  copy  of  which  I 
take  the  liberty  of  enclosing,)  I  had  no  option,  but  im- 
plicit obedience  ;  and  I  retired  within  twenty-four  hours 
after  the  receipt  of  that  order.  My  health  had  so  much 
improved  as  to  enable  me  to  resume  the  command  of  the 
troops  on  the  16th  of  Junr  of  which  I  had  informed  the 
Secretary  of  War.  By  a  letter  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment, of  the  27th  of  May,  I  am  informed  that  Major 
General  Hampton  would  set  out  on  the  next  day  for  this 
army.  I  anxiously  expected  his  arrival  by  the  18th  or 
20th  June ;  but,  by  a  letter  dated  the  30th  of  June,  the 
Secretary  of  War  gave  me  the  Jirst  notice  of  the  forma- 
tion of  an  army  in  Yermont,  and  of  the  destination  of 
Generals  Hampton  and  Parker  to  that  army. 


we  Fort 
1  him  at 
m  afifec- 
sanks  of 
le  river, 
paid  ap- 
a  salute 
troop,  of 
escorted 
Jtica,  he 
I  United 


1813. 

BS : 

rder  re- 
which  I 
but  im- 
ir  hours 
io  much 
id  of  the 
med  the 
Depart- 
it  Major 
for  this 
18th  or 
line,  the 
3  forma- 
ation  of 


I 


^i 


151 

From  the  daily  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  General 
Hampton,  Major  General  Lewis  was  directed  to  proceed 
to  Saekett's  Harbor,  to  take  the  command  of  the  troops 
assembled  arid  assembling  &t  that  place.  As  I  was  sus- 
pended from  all  command,  I  shall  return  to  my  family, 
near  Boston.  I  shall  never  complain  of  being  so  dis- 
posed of  as  the  good  of  the  service  may  require ;  but  the 
manner  of  performing  an  act  gives  a  character  to  the 
act  itself;  and  considering  the  particular  manner  and 
time  of  my  removal  from  command,  I  trust  it  will  not  be 
deemed  improper  to  afford  me  the  satisfaction  of  an  in- 
quiry, for  investigating  any  part  of  my  conduct  that 
may  have  been  deemed  improper^  and  on  which  my  sus- 
pension from  command  may  have  been  predicated.  I 
have  the  honor  of  being,  with  the  highest  respect,  sir, 
your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

H.  DEARBORN." 

/'■"■  .- •  •    ,  ■  •" 

A  few  days  after  he  reached  his  seat  in  Roxbury,  he 
received  the  subjoined  answer  from  the  President : 

Washin^toUi  August  S^  1813,  ■ 

Dear  Sir —         r  .< 

^''  I  have  received  yours  of  the  24th  July.  As  my 
esteem  and  regard  have  undergone  no  change,  I  wish 
you  to  be  apprised  that  such  was  the  state  of  things* 
and  such  the  turn  they  were  taking,  that  the  retirement, 
which  is  the  subject  of  your  letter,  was  proposed  by 
your  best  personal  friends. 

It  was  my  purpose  to  have  written  to  you  on  the  oe- 


M 


Hit 


ii 


i 


i:"^ii 


1 


16« 

casion,  but  it  was  made  impossible  by  a  serere  illness, 
from  which  I  am  qow  barely  enough  recovered  for  a 
journey  to  the  mountains,  prescribed  by  my  physicians  as 
indispensable.  It  would  have  been  entirely  agreeable  to 
me  if,  as  I  too];  for  granted,  was  the  case«  you  had  exe^- 
uuted  your  original  intention,  of  providing  for  your 
health  by  exchanging  the  sickliness  of  Niagara  for  some 
eligible  spot ;  and  I  sincerely  lament  every  pain  to  which 
you  have  been  subsequently  exposed,  from  whatever 
circumstance  it  has  proceeded.       s      ■  «^        -  ^  u;    ?^,; 

How  far  the  investigation  you  refer  to  would  be  regu- 
lar, I  am  not  prepared  to  say.  You  have  seen  the  motion 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  comprehending  such 
an  object,  and  the  prospect  held  out  of  resuming  the 
subject  at  another  session.  I  am  persuaded  that  you 
will  not  lose  in  any  respect  by  the  effect  of  time  an4 
truth.    Accept  my  respects  and  best  wishes. 

JAMES  MADISON. 

I^AJOR  Ges^eiial  Deirborm." 

General  Dearborn  was  not  ignorant  who  his  best  per- 
sonal friendsj  mentioned  in  the  above  letter,  were ;  audi 
fifter  a  constant  effort  of  more  than  a  year,  the  Secretary 
of  War  and  similar  friends  had  been  able  to  succeed  in 
the  recall  of  General  Dearborn ;  and  we  shall  see  that 
he  succeeded  more  fully  in  effecting  his  object  against 
General  Harrison,  whose  resignation  took  place  soon 
after,  in  consequence  of  the  repeated  insults  he  received 
^rom  the  War  Department.  To  the  above  letter  of  the 
President's,  General  Dearborn  replied:  i 


•.' 


illness, 
I  for  a 
ians  as 
sable  to 
id  exe- 
r  your 
>r  some 
» which 
hatever 

«  regu- 
motioa 
g  such 
ing  the 
bat  you 
me  and 

iON, 


\st  per- 
;  andf 
[cretary 
leed  in 
)e  that 
:ainst 
soon 
(ceived 
of  the 


163 

i '   :    '   y     "Boxburi/,  August  17, 1813. 
To  THE  President  op  the  United  States: 

Sir — I  have  been  honored  with  your  letter  of  the 
8th  inst.  It  is  peculiarly  gratifying  in  my  present  situ- 
ation to  be  apprized  that  your  esteem  and  regard  had 
undergone  no  change,  and  that  you  are  persuaded  that 
I  shall  not  lose  in  any  respect  **  by  the  effect  of  time  and 
truth ;"  but,  at  my  time  of  life,  it  could  hardly  be  ex- 
pected that  I  should  quietly  acquiesce  in  so  unusual  and 
unprecedented  a  measure  as  that  of  being  removed  from 
command  in  the  manner  I  have.  From  the  peculiar 
tenor  of  the  order,  the  measure  cannot  be  viewed  in  any 
other  light  than  as  the  result  of  an  opinion  that  I  had 
been  guilty  of  such  misconduct  as  to  render  my  removal 
necessary. 

To  suspend  an  oflScer  of  my  grade  and  situation  in 
command,  except  by  the  sentence  of  a  court  martial,  or 
the  {opinion  of  a  court  of  inquiry,  is  such  a  strong 
measure,  as  on  general  principles  could  only  be  justified 
by  the  most  unequivocal  and  outrageous  misconduct  of 
the  officer ;  and  I  cannot  permit  myself  to  doubt  but 
that,  on  reflection,  it  will  be  considered  proper  to  afford 
me  a  hearing  before  a  suitable  military  tribunal,  previous 
to  my  being  again  ordered  on  duty. 

I  find  it  is  pretended  that  my  suspension  from  com- 
mand was  merely  to  comply  with  my  repeated  requests 
for  being  allowed  to  retire  for  the  recovery  of  my  health, 
but  every  one  acquainted  with  the  facts,  and  with  the 
peculiar  expressions  made  use  of  in  the  order,  will  read* 

ily  perceive  that  such  pretence  is  unfounded. 

-  "tt 


m 


164 

In  the  order  I  complain  of,  it  being  explicitly  expressed 
that  it  came  directly  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  will,  I  hope,  be  admitted  as  an  apology  for  my 
having  addressed  my  observations  directly  to  yourself.  I 
shall  rely  with  the  fullest  confidence,  sir,  on  your  justice 
for  such  fair  and  honorable  proceedings  as  my  situation 
demands.  That  your  health  may  be  speedily  re^estab* 
iished  is,  sir,  the  sincere  prayer  of  your  most  obedient 
and  humble  servant. 

H.  DEARBORN." 


Notwithstanding  General  Dearborn  had  requested  not 
to  be  ordered  on  duty  until  his  military  conduct  had 
been  investigated  by  a  competent  tribunal,  a  different 
course  was  pursued  by  the  President. 

In  the  later  pait  of  August,  Col.  G.  G.  Conner,  one  of 
General  Dearborn's  aids,  requested  that  he  might  be  per- 
mitted to  join  his  regiment  on  the  frontiers,  where  he 
could  be  actively  employed.  On  his  arrival  at  Sackett's 
Harbor,  he  waited  on  General  Armstrong,  and  stated  the 
object  of  his  return  to  the  army.  General  Armstrong 
informed  him  he  had  just  received  the  directions  of  the 
President  to  order  General  Dearborn  to  assume  the  com- 
mand of  District  No.  3,  as  it  was  expected  the  British 
contemplated  an  attack  on  New- York,  and  advised  him 
to  raturr  immediately  to  General  Dearborn.  In  a  few 
dar.'  ri"  the  following  order  was  received  by  General 
Deaik. ' ; 


iprcssed 
)  United 
'  for  my 
iTself.  I 
r  justice 
situation 
re'Cstab* 
obedient 

►    '  ■ 

ested  not 
luct  had 
different 

jr,  one  of 
it  be  per- 
irhere  he 
Sackett's 
tated  the 
:mstrong 
IS  of  the 

he  corn- 
British 
ised  him 
In  a  few 

General 


■N- 


169 

War  Department,  SaekeU*$  Harbor,  \ 
Sept.  2ith,  ldl3.  5 


Sir — The  enemy's  squadron  left  the  Chesapeake,  and 
a  belief  existing  that  they  mean  to  shape  their  course 
northerly,  and  nerhaps  with  a  view  to  New- York,  you 
will  be  pleased,  on  receipt  hereof,  to  repair  to  that  post, 
and  take  on  yourself  the  command  of  District  No,  3. 
I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  most  obedient  and  very 
humble  servant, 

JOHN  ARMSTRONG. 

Major  General  Dearborn,  Boston. 

It  was  very  extraordinary,  and  so  General  Dearborn 
considered  it,  that  he  should  be  called  into  service 
before  the  subject  of  his  removal  from  Fort  George  had 
been  investigated.  That  his  reputation  had  very  severely 
and  unjustly  suffered  from  that  account,  he  was  well 
satisfied,  and  conceiving  that  the  public  might  entertain 
sentimeiit"^  injurious  to  his  character  as  an  oflBcer,  if  he 
should  again  go  into  service,  without  an  opportunity  of 
publicly  vindicating  himself,  doubted  the  propriety  of 
obeying  the  order,  and  had  it  in  contemplation  to  resign 
immediately,  but  on  mature  deliberation,  he  concluded 
to  proccicd  to  New- York,  as  the  circumstance  of  his 
being  ordered  to  an  honorable  command  was  a  public 
acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  the  executive,  that  his 
reputation  had  not  suffered,  or  had  suffered  without 
cause,  and  particularly  when  the  reasons  assigned  for 
the  order,  were  such  as  evinced  no  loss  of  confidence  in 
him  by  the  President ;  besides,  if  he  resigned,  he  would 


I 


^ 


,1 1  Jl 


156 

be  for  ever  precluded  from  having  an  opportunity  to 
defend  himself  before  a  military  tribuual,  which  he 
sanguinely  anticipated  ;  and  for  which,  on  his  arrival  at 
New- York,  ha  reiterated  his  request. 

After  the  disgraceful  close  of  the  campaign  of  1813, 
conducted  by  Armstrong,  Wilkinson,  and  Hampton,  he 
had  an  interview  with  Gen.  Armstrong  at  New  York, 
as  he  passed  through  the  city  from  the  frontier  to  Wash- 
ington, and  urged  that  a  court  should  be  immediately 
organized,  as  during  the  winter  a  sufficient  number  of 
General  officers  could  be  spared  from  their  command  for 
that  service.  Gen.  Armstrong  endeavored  to  dissuade 
him  from  such  a  measure,  and  assured  him  that  no 
blame  was  attached  to  him,  and  that  his  whole  conduct 
met  the  approbation  of  the  Government ;  that  a  court 
was  not  in  the  least  necessary,  for  there  were  no  charges 
to  be  preferred  against  him.  General  Dearborn  obser- 
ved, whatever  might  be  the  sentiments  of  the  national 
Executive,  it  was  notorious  his  reputation  suffered  in 
public  estimation,  as  the  correspondence  on  the  subject 
cc'ild  not  be  laid  before  the  public  in  a  manner  which 
corresponded  with  his  feelings  as  an  officer,  nor  was  the 
favorable  opinion  entertained  by  the  Government  known 
to  the  world  ;  and  there  was  no  way  of  doing  him  ample 
justice,  but  by  the  promulgation  of  the  decision  of  a 
competent  court,  which  would  be  as  notorious  as  the 
fact  of  his  unprecedented  removal.  It  was  an  act  of 
justice  due  to  him,  and  he  owed  it  to  himself,  children, 
friends,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to  demand 
as  a  right  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  and  which  he  should 
never  cease  to  ursre. 


16T 


ty  to 
h  he 
val  at 

1813, 
on,  he 
York, 
Wash- 
3  lately 
iber  of 
indfor 
ssuade 
hat  no 
onduct 
L  court 
iharges 
obser- 
ational 
red  ia 
subject 
which 
vas  the 
mown 
ample 
1  of  a 
as  the 
act  of 
ildren, 
emand 
should 


While  in  Albany,  during  the  winter  of  1813-14, 
finding  that  his  request  had  not  been  granted,  he  wrote 
the  following  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War : 


Sir, 


Albany  January  2,  1814. 


•'  In  my  letter  to  you  a  few  days  after  I  received 
your  order  to  retire  from  command^  I  expressed  a  wish 
that  I  might  be  allowed  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  and  I  also 
communicated  a  similar  desire  to  the  President  of  the 
Urnted  States.  I  waited  for  the  return  of  the  President 
&nd  Secretary  of  War  to  the  seat  of  Government,  as  a 
convenient  time  for  having  my  application  attended  to. 
I  had  hoped  that  I  should  be  favored  with  a  hearing 
before  a  suitable  court,  without  any  more  direct  applica^ 
tion  on  my  part ;  but  having  received  no  intimation  to 
that  effect,  I  consider  it  necessary  to  state  explicitly,  and 
request,  that  as  soon  as  I  am  relieved  from  the  tour  of 
duty  I  am  now  about  commencing,  [as  President  of  the 
Court  Martial  for  the  tual  of  General  Hull,]  I  may  be 
indulged  with  a  hearing  before  such  a  court  as  may  be 
deemed  proper. 

''  From  your  own  remarks,  and  from  common  report, 
it  appears  that  some  general  disapprobation  had  been 
excited  against  my  conduct  as  commander  of  the  army 
in  the  ninth  District,  and  particularly  on  account  of  the 
disaster  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Boerstler  and  the  detach- 
ment under  his  command ;  and  for  having  been  guilty 
of  disobedience  of  orders.  It  miist  be  evident,  from  the 
extraordinary  manner  of  my  being  suspended   from 


:|. 


! 


ll 


3  * 


|i 


ii|  « 


168 

command,  that  strong  impressions  had  been  made  on 
the  mind  of  the  President,  to  my  prejudice,  previous 
to  his  giving  explicit  directions  for  that  measure,  as 
expressed  in  tUo  order  for  my  removal. 

"  'Tis  therefore  evidently  necessary,  that  a  fair  and 
impartial  investigation  should  be  had ;  not  only  as  an 
act  of  common  justice  due  to  myself,  but  for  affording 
such  information  and  satisfaction  to  the  pulalic,  as  ought 
not  to  be  withheld.  I  therefore,  do  most  earnestly 
request,  that  a  Court  of  Inquiry  be  ordered  for  the 
investigation  of  my  conduct  generally,  while  command- 
ing the  9th  Military  District ;  and  particularly  in  relation 
to  such  parts  thereof,  as  the  President  of  the  United 
States  may  have  deemed  improper ;  and  I  must  take  the 
liberty  of  requesting  that  I  may  not  be  ordered  on  «ny 
command  until  I  have  been  indulged  with  such  an 
investigation." 

I  have  tlie  honor  to  be  &c., 
H.  DEARBORN. 

Hon.  John  Armstrong,  Secretary  of  War. 


The  next  spring,  finding  his  demand  was  still  waived, 
he  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  desired  him  to 
lay  the  subject  before  the  President,  who  returned  the 

following  answer.  ' 

.  ■       •  •     ,;  .  .  ,(. 

Washington,  June  15, 1814. 
Dear  Sir,  <  '" 

"I  ought  to  have  answered  your  letter  sooner, 
especially  as  it  related  to  a  subject  which  I  find  deeply 


[lade  on 
previous 
isure,  as 

fair  and 
ily  as  an 
afTording 
as  ought 
earnestly 

for  the 
ommand- 
n  relation 
le  United 
It  take  the 
3d  on^ny 

such  an 


'•  1 


BORN. 


U  waived, 
red  him  to 
urned  the 


5, 1814. 

ter  sooner, 
ind  deeply 


169 

interests  you.  The  late  extraordinary  events  in  Europe, 
with  the  duties  imposed  on  me  by  the  arrival  of  the 
Oliver,  will  I  hope,  plead  my  apology. 

"You  say  that  you  ought  to  have  an  inquiry  into 
your  conduct,  to  justify  you  against  any  imputation 
arising  from  the  terms  of  the  order  which  withdrew 
you  from  the  command  on  the  lines.  I  have  commu- 
nicated your  impressions  to  the  President,  who  is 
perfectly  well  disposed  to  afford  you  the  opportunity 
which  you  desire^  at  a  time  when  it  may  be  done  with- 
out injury  to  the  service.  My  own  idea  is,  that  you 
require  no  vindication  in  the  case  alluded  to ;  that  public 
opinion  has  already  done  you  justice.  You  may  recol- 
lect that  you  had  been  infirm,  and  had  even  intimated  a 
doubt  whether  your  health  would  permit  you  to  retain 
the  command  of  the  troops.  Of  the  President's  constant 
friendship  for  you,  and  attention  to  every  circumstance 
interesting  to  your  honor  and  feelings,  I  can  speak  with 
the  utmost  confidence,  as  I  can  that  his  disposition 
toward  you  has  undergone  no  change.  I  am  satisfied 
that  he  had  the  highest  confidence  in  your  integrity, 
attachment  to  free  government,  and  ability  to  command ; 
diminished  only  by  the  infirmity  alluded  to,  which  had 
more  weight,  considering  the  very  active  service  imposed 
on  you  at  your  time  of  life.  That  confidence  is  unim- 
paired. 

"In  such  a  movement  as  that  in  which  we  are 
engaged,  every  thing  is  experimental.  The  fitness  of 
men  for  stations  is  equally  so.  In  my  opinion  you  have 
much  reason  to  be  satisfied,  because  the  door  has  been 


160 

opened  to  others,  who,  whatever  may  have  been  their 
merits,  have  not  placed  you  in  an  unfavorable  light 
before  our  country.  "What  you  did,  gained  you  credit. 
Had  you  been  continued  on  the  frontip.rs  exposed  to  the 
changes  of  the  seasons,  and  extraordinary  fatigues  of  the 
campaign,  and  sunk  under  them  by  ill  health,  reproach 
and  censure  *  ght  have  fallen  heavily  on  you,  as  well 
as  the  Government. 

"  I  am,  however,  far  from  dissuading  you  from  taking 
any  course,  which,  on  great  consideration,  you  may  find 
essential  to  your  honor  or  happiness,  I  only  wish,  that  it 
may  not  be  done  under  improper  impression,  and  that  in 
taking  that  which  you  seem  to  contemplate^  it  may  be 
done  at  a  suitable  time.  In  pursuing  any  object  which 
you  may  hafve  in  view,  I  beg  you  to  command  my 
services  without  reserve.  Be  assured  it  will  give  me 
sincere  pleasure  to  be  useful  to  you.  Always  recollect- 
ing as  Mrs.  Monroe  and  I  do,  with  deep  interest,  our 
meeting  with  your  lady  in  London,  and  the  very 
friendly  intercourse  which  passed  between  us  and  our 
families,  at  a  time  the  most  interesting  to  our  country 
and  ourselves,  we  beg  you  to  assure  her  of  our  constant 
affection  and  regards.  With  great  respect  and  e?teem, 
believe  me,  my  dear  sir,*' 

Sincerely  yours, 
JAME»  MONROE. 

Major  General  Dearborn. 

After  Mr.  Monroe  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War, 
he  wrote  him  again,  on  the  subject  of  a  Court  of  Inquiry 


n  their 
e  light 
I  credit, 
d  to  the 
IS  of  the 
eproach 
as  well 

a  taking 
nay  find 
1,  that  it 
d  that  in 
may  be 
ct  which 
land  my 
give  me 
recoUect- 
rest,  our 
he  very 
and  our 
country 
constant 
I  esteem) 


•urs 


> 


ROE. 


of  War, 
Inquiry 


161 

and .  other  affairs,  to  which  he  received  the  annexed 
reply ;  from  which  it  is  clearly  to  be  inferred  that  the 
military  talents  of  General  Dearborn  were  justly  held  in 
high  eistimation  by  that  enlightened  and  virtuous  patriot. 

Washington^  July  21*/,  1815, 

Dear  Sir, 

"Accept  my  thanks  for  your  kind  attention  in 
^several  letters,  which  would  have  been  attended  lo  at 
the  time  received,  had  not  the  important  event  of  peace 
taken  my  attention  to  the  other  department,  on  which  a 
pressure  has  since  been  made.  This  event  in  relation 
to  the  great  body  of  our  fellow-citizens,  may  be  consid- 
ered highly  favorable.  The  honor  of  the  nation  is 
preserved  in  the  treaty.  No  concession  is  made.  Our 
land  and  naval  forces  have  acquired  glory,  and  the 
nation  character  by  the  contest.  The  period  and  cir- 
cumstances under  which  the  treaty  was  received  and 
ratified,  being  just  after  the  battle  at  New  Orleans,  made 
the  result  highly  honorable. 

"  I  am  satisfied,  had  another  campaign  been  made,  that 
we  should  have  shaken  if  not  overset  the  power  of  Great 
Britain  on  this  continent.  Measures  were  taken  for 
drawing  into  the  field,  in  aid  of  the  regular  troops, 
twenty  thousand  men  from  New  York,  ten  thousand 
from  Vermont,  and  a  strong  force  from  Kentucky, 
Ohio,  the  western  part  of  Virginia^  and  Pennsylvania, 
with  a  view  to  force  our  way  toward  Q,ueber^,by  suitable 
routes.  In  this  movement  you  would  have  had  a  distin- 
guished place.    The  peace  has  robbed  vou  land  many 

14 


S    I 


162 

others  of  glory,  but  you  will  find  an  indemnity  for  it  in 
tho  advantages  derived  from  it  to  your  country.  Ire- 
quested  General  Swift  to  consult  you  and  the  other 
members  of  the  board  on  the  extent  and  manner  of  the 
reduction  to  a  peace  establishment,  that  I  might  avail 
myself  of  your  reflections  without  comproniitting  either 
of  you.  The  passion  is  strong  for  extensive  reduction. 
I  hope  it  may  be  confined  within  proper  limits.  Perhaps 
you  might  be  disposed  to  make  a  visit  here.  I  should 
be  happy  to  see  you.  With  great  respect  and  esteem," 
,-  .:.  .  ■  rr  r  >    ;,  .  -   ,     /     I  am  sincorcly  yourSy 

JAMES  MONROE. 


Notwithstanding  the  unceasing  efibrts  of  General 
Dearborn  to  obtain  a  hearing  before  a  Court  of  Inquiry, 
that  request  was  denied^  and  justice  withheld  from  him ; 
but  if  any  doubts  should  have  existed  as  to  the  estima- 
tion in  which  General  Dearborn  was  held  by  the 
President,  the  following  letter  removes  them: 


.  Washingtout  March  Athj  IS15, 

Dear  Sib, 

"  Being  desirous  for  obtaining  for  the  Department 
of  War  services  which  I  thought  you  could  render  with 
peculiar  advantage,  and  hoping  that,  for  a  time  at  least, 
you  might  consent  to  step  into  that  Department,  I  took 
the  liberty,  without  a  previous  communication,  for  which 
there  was  no  time,  to  nominate  you  as  successor  to  Mr. 
Monroe,  who  was  called  back  to  the  Department  of 
State.    I.  had  not  a  doubt,  from  all  the  calculations  I 


163 


tr  it  in 
I  re- 
other 
of  the 
t  avail 
either 
uction. 
•erhaps 
should 
steem" 
rsy 
OE. 

general 
inquiry, 
ai  him ; 
estima- 
by  the 


815. 

artment 
er  with 
at  least, 

I  took 
r  which 

to  Mr. 

nent  of 

itions  I 


could  make,  that  the  Senate  would  readily  concur  in 
my  views;  and  if  a  doubt  had  arisen,  it  would  have 
been  banished  by  the  confidence  of  the  best  informed 
and  best  disposed  with  whom  I  conferred,  that  the  nom- 
ination would  be  welcomed  when  it  was  to  be  decided 
on ;  contrary  to  these  confident  expectations,  an  opposi- 
tion was  declared  in  an  extent  which  determined  me  to 
withdraw  the  nomination. 

"But,  before  the  message  arrived,  the  Senate  very 
unexpectedly  had  taken  up  the  subject  and  proceeded  to 
a  decision.  They  promptly,  however,  relaxed  so  far  as 
to  erase  the  proceedings  from  tlieir  journal,  and  in  that 
mode  give  effect  to  the  withdrawal.  I  have  thought 
this  explanation  due,  both  to  me  and  to  yourself.  I 
sincerely  and  deeply  regret  the  occasion  for  it.  But  to 
whatever  blame  I  may  have  subjected  myself,  I  trust 
you  will  see,  in  the  course  taken  by  me,  a  proof  of  the 
high  value  I  place  on  your  public,  and  of  the  esteem  I 
feel  for  your  personal  character.  Permit  me  to  add, 
that  I  have  been  not  a  little  consoled  for  the  occurrence 
to  which  I  have  been  accessory,  by  the  diffusive  expres- 
sions to  which  it  has  led,  of  sentiments  such  as  your 
best  friends  hav-  heard  with  most  pleasure.  Accept  the 
assurance  of  my  great  respect  and  sincere  regard." 

JAMES  MADISON, 

Major  General  Dearborn. 

After  the  nomination,  a  number  of  the  Senators 
waited  on  the  President,  and  he  then  gave  them  his 
opinion  of  General  Dearborn,  and  explained  to  them 


m 


•:i 


im 


i 


im' 


^^1 


1! 


I 


\ 

^  / 

164 

the  whole  transaction,  >vhich  had  done  so  much  injury 
to  a  faithful,  zealous,  and  deserving  officer.  They  were 
astonished,  and  said,  if  this  development  had  preceded 
the  nomination,  it  would  have  been  instantly  confirmed. 
~  It  is  to  that  conversation  that  the  President  alludes  in 
the  last  clause  of  the  forgoing  letter,  and  a  burst  of 
indignation  which  assailed  his  ears  from  some  of  the 
friends  of  General  Dearborn,  who  were  acquainted  with 
the  facts,  and  openly  declared  their  sentiments  as  to  the 
wrongs  done  to  a  soldier  who  had  grown  gray  in  the 
service  of  his  country — to  a  hero  of  the  Revolution — 
who,  when  injured  was  denied  the  rights  of  an  ofl&cer, 
and  coldly  neglected  for  •*  time  and  truth!^  to  obliterate 
a  stain  imposed  by  executive  injustice. 

Those  best  personal  friends,  mentioned  in  the  letter 
of  the  President  of  the  8th  of  August,  were  made  to 
believe  it  was  more  for  their  interest  to  destroy  the 
reputation  of  General  Dearborn,  than  vindicate  him 
when  aspersed.  They  were  such  friends  as  for  the  time 
wear  the  mask  of  sincerity,  but  can  throw  it  off  when 
such  an  act  of  baseness  will  have  a  tendancy  to  better 
their  situation.  They  acted  their  part  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  deceive  .the  President,  and  hoped  to  elude  the 
suspicions  of  General  Dearborn ;  but  he  knew  them 
well,  anJ  lie  reasons  which  induced  them  to  wrong 
him. 

The  tide  of  war  had  been  changed  by  the  capture  of 
York  and  Fort  George.  Previously  the  arms  of  the 
United  States  had  been  disgraced,  and  accumulated 
disasters  marked  the  events  of  the  preceding  campaigns. 


i  i 


m 


injury 
ywere 
Bceded 
firmed, 
ides  in 
irst  of 
of  the 
d  with 
J  to  the 
'■  in  the 
ition— 
ofiicer, 
(literate 

i€i  letter 
lade  to 
'oy  the 
te  him 
he  time 
F  when 
►  better 
nanner 
de  the 
them 
wrong 

tiire  of 
of  the 
mlated 
paigns. 


165 

An  uninterrupted  series  of  defeats  had  cast  a  gloom  over 
the  nation,  which  was  dissipated  by  the  splendid  achieve- 
ments of  the  army  under  the  direction  of  General 
Dearborn.  A  large  force  was  coucl  iting  on  the 
borders  of  Lake  Champlain.  The  effou  of  Harrison 
and  Perry  presaged  glorious  results  in  the  West.  On 
Lake  Ontario,  Com.  Chauncy  had  so  far  increased  his 
fleet  as  to  render  his  ascezidency  certain ;  and  the  army 
of  the  Niagara  was  ready  to  co-operate  in  such  a  manner 
as  would  render  the  conquest  of  Kingston,  the  whole  of 
Upper  Canada,  and  probably  Montreal  also  certain. 
The  prospect  was  propitious,  and  such  were  the  matured 
plans  of  General  Dearborn,  that  victory  would  have 
perched  on  his  banners. 

If  General  Dearborn  could  by  any  means  be  removed 
from  command,  and  the  Secretary  of  War  repair  to  the 
frontier,  direct  the  operations  of  the  campaign,  which 
had  been  gloriously  opened,  and  bring  it  to  a  splendid 
conclusion,  it  would  have  given  him  such  reputation 
and  influence  as  would  have  obtained  for  him  the 
appointment  of  Lieutenant  General  and  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  thus  secure 
to  him  the  Presidential  chair. 

The  views  of  the  'Secretary  of  War  were'  early 
developed,  of  which  General  Dearborn  was  t^^.prised  by 
his  real  friends  at  Washington.  Two  or  three  subal- 
terns on  the  frontiers  were  agents  in  the  scheme  of 
ambition,  and  hints  were  circulated,  through  the  medium 
of  certain  papers  in  different  sections  of  the  Union, 

unfavorable  to  the  military  character  of  General  Dcar- 

14« 


¥41 


? 


166 


;i 


bom,  in  the  shape  of  "  extracts  of  letters  from  respec* 
table  officers  of  tke  army!^    Those   *  respectable  offi- 
cers" were  early  known  to  General  Dearborn,  but  such 
was  his  confidence  in  the  President,  and  the  otiicertt 
generally  of  the  army,  who  duly  appreciated  his  ta),ent3, 
and  worth,  and  consciousness  of  his  devotion  to  thf  best 
interests  of  his  country,  that  he  smiled  at  the  indications 
of  the  impending  storm  which  was  lowering  in  ihe 
horizon  for  his  riestrurtiof).     Stimiriated  by  ihe  ambition 
of  a  Ceesar,  the  Rubicon    f  hor;or  was.  for  the  second 
time,  passed,  and  with  tb^s  s&ngiiine  aiiticipations  of  a 
Richard,  the  author  ?f  the  Ne.?hargh  Letters,  the  future 
hero  of  the  norths  huiried  to  pitch  his  tent  in  Bosworth 
fields.     Those  friends  of  General  Dearborn,  who  were 
so  solicitous  for  his    disgrace,  had  golden  hopes  from 
this  ever-f.     Bat  the  disastrous  and  disgraceful  move- 
ments of  the  army,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  causeci  those  hopes  to  wither,  and  the  triumphal 
entry  of  the  British  into  the  city  of  Washington  blasted 
them  for  ever.    The  descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  Blnde2ir,burgh  retreat    damned    Armstrong,    and 
General  Dearborn's  ^^best  personal  friends"  lost  their 
anticipated  reward ,  for  assisting  to  blast  his  reputation. 
At  the  close  of  the  war,  honorable  to  the  American 
arms  and  character,  General  Dearborn  was  called  on  by 
the  governme'it  for  his  aid  and  advice  in  the  reduction 
of  the  army  to  the  peace  establishir  ent,  and  the  retention 
of  the  most  suitable  and  competent  oflficers  to  be  con- 
tinued in  command.     That  this  c     cate  operation  wheii 
many  good  officers  must  be  dii::u^ed,  was  performe^^ 


f 


i 


¥i'^h 


ler 

with  ability  and  uprightness,  with  the  sole  view  to  the 
honor  of  the  army  and  good  of  the  country,  appears  from 
the  nmv.L^  of  the  principal  officers  retained — Brown» 
Jackson,  iScott,  McComb,  Gaines,  Ripley  and  Miller. 

Soon  after  he  retired  from  the  army  to  private  life,  he 
was  called  before  the  public  by  the  republican  party,  as 
iheir  candidate  for  Governor  of  the  ancient  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts.  For  this  office  he  was  opposed 
by  the  federal  party,  then  a  large  majority  in  the  state, 
and  an  opposing  candidate  of  respectable  abilities,  revo- 
lutionary services  and  unimpeached  moral  character. 
Under  these  circumstances,  his  personal  and  political 
friends  could  hardly  expect  a  favorable  result  for  their 
candidate ;  and  General  Brooks,  the  opposing  candidate, 
was  elected  Governor. 

Early  in  1822,  he  was  appointed  by  President  Monroe, 
with  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  senate,  minister  pleni- 
potentiary to  the  Court  of  Portugal.  There  were  no 
events  of  special  interest  in  that  mission.  He  was  highly 
respected  by  the  king  and  court  to  which  he  was  accredi- 
ted and  all  the  foreign  ministers  then  resident  at  Lisbon, 
and  discharged  his  duties  in  a  manner  entirely  to  the 
satisfaction  of  his  own  g jvernment.  In  1824,  he  return- 
ed home,  and  was  never  after  in  any  public  employment. 
After  the  revolutionary  war  and  th*3  organization  of  the 
federal  government  tiii  iL24,  Generai  Dearborn  received 
appointments  from  '^^ur  Presidents  j^  the  United  States 
— all  Virginians — V/ashington,  Jefferson,  Mp.  lison  and 
Monroe.  All  these  offices  were  of  high  responsibility — 
Marshall  of  Maine,  Secretary  of  War,  Collector  of  the 


1!" 
Ill 


m 


■v!| 

■s,    M 


168 


port  of  Boston,  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and 
Foreign  minister. 

In  all  these  important  offices  he  acted  with  ability,  in- 
tegrity, and  the  most  unsullied  reputation  as  a  patriot. 
On  the  6th  of  June,  1829,  at  his  seat  at  Roxbu:y,  Mass., 
he  died,  in  the  seventy-ninth  year  of  his  age. 

General  Dearborn  was  stout  and  active,  six  feet  full 
ija.  height,  strong,  and  in  middle  age  not  too  much  en- 
cumbered with  flesh :  in  after  life  his  flesh  rather  increas- 
ed. He  was  exactly  fitted  for  the  toils,  fatigues  and  pomp 
of  war.  His  countenance  and  whole  person  was  digni- 
fied and  commanding.  His  weight  was  considerably 
above  two  hundred.  His  mind  was  solid  and  compre- 
hensive, which  entitled  him  to  the  highest  military  sta- 
tions. 

There  was  a  loftiness  in  his  character  which  forbade 
resort  to  intrigue  and  hypocrisy,  in  the  accomplishment 
of  his  views,  and  he  rejected  the  contemptible  practice  of 
disparaging  others  to  exalt  himself.  He  was  beneficent 
to  his  friends,  but  reserved  and  cold  toward  those  whose 
correctness  in  moral  principles  became  doubtful  in  his 
mind. 

As  a  soldier,  he  was  a  rigid,  but  not  a  severe  discipli- 
narian ;  he  obeyed  readily  his  superior,  and  required  the 
like  obedience  from  his  inferior.  From  his  active  mind 
and  athletic  body,  he  was  from  early  life  a  sportsman, 
and  indulged  in  the  amusement  of  fishing.  His  fowling- 
piece  and  every  accompaniment  was  always  in  readiness, 
as  well  as  his  fishing-apparatus,  which,  in  the  latter  part 
of  his  life,  he  carried  with  him  in  his  every  journey  to 


169 

the  State  of  Maine.  In  these  sports,  his  dog  was  never 
forgotten. 

Tfje  games  of  cricket  and  ball  he  practiced  with  ardor 
till  past  the  meridian  of  life.  But,  of  the  gymnastic  ex- 
ercises, in  the  revolutionary  war  and  after,  practised  much 
more  then  than  at  this  day,  wrestling  was  probably  his 
favorite  ;  for,  from  his  skill,  great  muscular  power,  and 
temperance  in  all  things,  he  obtained  the  mastery  on 
every  occasion.  When  not  engaged  in  business,  or 
otherwise  occupied,  he  was  a  constant  reader  through 
life,  not  only  of  all  the  old  English  standard  works,  but 
of  all  new  publications  of  merit.  One  of  the  few  times 
the  writer'  ever  saw  him,  he  found  him  rer^ding  Scott's 
"  Ivanhoe,"  which  was  laid  aside  on  the  introduction  of 
a  few  strangers,  among  whom  was  one  of  the  oldest  phy- 
sicians and  accomplished  gentlemen  in  the  city  of  Boston. 
A  variety  of  subjects  were  started  in  conversation,  and 
the  physician  repeatedly  afterward  expressed  his  surprise 
at  the  correctness  and  ability  with  which  he  entered  into 
every  subject  started,  declaring  that  previously  he  had 
considered  him  merely  a  military  character.  ' 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  in  1771,  he  married 
Mary  Bartlett,  one  of  the  most  ancient  names  in  New 
Hampshire,  by  whom  he  had  two  daughters.  She  died 
in>1778.  In  1780  he  married  Dorcas  Marble,  a  widow 
lady  of  Andover,  Mass.,  by  whom  he  had  two  sons  and 
a  daughter.  This  second  wife  died  in  1811.  In  1813 
he  married  Sarah  Bowdoir  widow  of  the  Hon.  James 
Bowdoin,  who  died  in  It^  .,  without  children.    He  sur- 


■y.M 


170 


vived  all  his  wives,  with  whom  he  lived  in  perfect  do- 
mestic happiness,  more  than  fifty  •,  :    .. 

It  is  only  known  that  one  ijaugl-tf  r  and  one  son,  by 
his  second  wife,  survivre  him.  The  daughter  has  long 
been  respectably  and  eligibly  married,  residing  in  Maine. 
From  her  purity  of  character  and  good  sense,  sho  is  dis- 
tinguished in  the  society  in  which  she  moves,  me  sun 
is  resident  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  who  bears  the  name 
of  his  father,  to  whi^li  is  added  the  name  of  Alexander 
Scammell,  who  has  I'jen  previously  mentioned  in  this 
sketch.  '  • 

It  is  believed  the  son,  in  a  good  measure,  sustains  the 
excellencies  and  virtues  of  the  persons  whoso  names  he 
bears :  if  so,  few  men,  if  any,  can  stand  higher.  To 
place  these  children  where  only  they  could  wish  to  be 
placed,  is  to  say  what  is  known  of  them  ;  they  appreci- 
ate the  character  of  their  parent,  remember  his  example, 
and  follow  his  precepts.  General  Dearborn  continued 
through  life  in  that  branch  of  the  Christian  church  in 
which  he  had  been  educated — the  Congregational ;  not 
that  he  believed  it  essential  that,  the  tr-^e  wor  hipper  of 
the  Father  should  attach  himself  to  any  one  beet  or  de- 
nomination, but  he  did  believe  that,  ♦he  Congregational 
order  was  more  congenial  to  our  republican  institutions, 
apostolic  example  and  precept,  and,  more  than  all,  gave 
fuller  latitude  to  the  exercise  of  private  idguient  in 
everything  ecclesiastical  and  religious,  i  lu  eved  it 
Life  to  believe  on  the  one  true  God,  and  Jesus  Christ 
whom  he  sen( ,  and  he  believed  this  Teacher  was  the 
Way,  the  Trufh,  and  the  Life.    In  this  belief  he  left  this 


171 

life  for  a  future,  in  the  full  possession  of  a  calm  and 
sound  mind^  .  ■;         -  ■       , .;  i  •   ,' 

He  often  mentioned  General  Arnold,  whom  he  well 
knew,  beingf  with  him  when  wounded  at  Quebec  and 
Saratoga.  He  considered  him,  for  energy  and  capacity, 
the  tirst  general  officer  of  the  Rnvolution,  and  often  ex- 
pressed his  astonishment  at  his  treason.  He  despised 
him  as  a  traitor,  but  never  failed  to  speak  of  him  as  most 
abla  and  gallant  in  action,  always  ready  and  coUecied, 
and  saw  instantly  the  exact  thing  to  be  ('  )ne,  and  at  the 
proper  moment.  He  considered  him  capable  of  doing 
the  most  des^^  irate  deeds  as  a  commander.  Neither 
Gates  nor  Congress,  in  his  opinion,  did  him  justice  for 
his  conduct  at  Saratoga ;  for  he  was  the  only  general  on 
the  field,  am'  fought  the  I  kittle  in  defiance  of  Gates,  who 
never  left  his  narters,  )r  at  least  he  was  not  seen  in  ac- 
tion, neither  did  be  believe  he  was. 

Soon  after  tlic  "/ar  of  independence,  he  accidentally 
met  Arnold  at  St.  Job  iS.  Arnold  attempted  to  excube 
his  conduct,  and  appeared  not  only  solicitous,  but  in  dis- 
tress to  explain  ;  but  Gen.  Dearborn  at  once  put  an  end 
to  the  conversation,  by  isaying,  his  conduct  was  indefen- 
sible, and  he  held  his  character  in  such  estimation,  that 
no  excuse  or  explanation  could  be  made,  and  he  wished 
not  to  hear  him  on  that  subject,  for  his  own  opinion  was 
not  to  be  changed.  ,;,  -     ;>  •      !», 

None  of  General  Dearborn's  writings  have  fallen  into 
the  writer's  hands ;  but  his  ofiicial  letters,  and  reports,  as 
secretary  of  war,  and  his  account  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's 
Hill,  have  been  before  the  public.    That  account  will 


i 


[.mm 


i  •!  ■ 


1*  .' 


i.Hl- 


rl 


172 

be  here  inserted,  as  well  for  its  apparent  accuracy  and 
truth,  as  giving  a  specimen  of  his  style  of  writing  : 

"  On  the  16th  of  June,  177$,  it  was  determined  that 
a  fortified  post  should  be  established  at  or  near  Bunker's 
Hill.  A  detachment  of  the  army  was  ordered  to  advance 
early  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  and  commence  the 
erection  of  a  strong  work  on  the  heights  in  the  rear  of 
Charlestown,  at  that  time  called  Breed's  Hill ;  but,  from 
its  proximity  to  Bunker's  Hill,  the  battle  has  taken  its 
name  from  the  latter  eminence,  which  overlooks  it. 

"  The  work  was  commenced  and  carried  on  under  the 
direction  of  such  engineers  as  we  were  able  to  procure 
at  that  time.     It  was  a  square  redoubt,  the  curtains  of 
which  were  about  sixty  or  seventy  feet  in  extent,  with 
an  intrenchment  extending  fifty  or  sixty  feet  from  the 
northern  angle,  toward  Mystic  river.    In  the  course  of 
the  night,  the  ramparts  had  been  raised  to  the  height  of 
six  or  seven  feet,  with  a  small  ditch  at  their  base ;  but  it 
was  yet  in  an  imperfect  state.     Being  in  full  view  from 
the  northern  heights  of  Boston,  it  was  discovered  by  the 
enemy  at  daylight,  and  a  determination  was  formed  by 
General  Gage  for  dislodging  our  troops  from  this  new 
and  alarming  position.     Arrangements  were  promptly 
made  for  effecting  this  important  object.    The  movement 
of  the  British  troops,  indicating  an  attack,  were  soon  disco- 
vered ;  in  consequence  of  which,  orders  were  immediately 
issued  for  the  march  of  a  considerable  part  of  our  army,  to 
reinforce  the  detachment  at  the  redoubts  on  Breed's  Hill ; 
but  such  was  the  imperfect  state  of  discipline,  the  want 


i 


%#\ 


and 


d  that 
nker*s 
Lvance 
ce  the 
rear  of 
t,  from 
ten  its 
t. 

ier  the 
)rocure 
ains  of 
t,  with 
pm  the 
urse  of 
light  of 
but  it 
from 
jy  the 
[led  by 
is  new 
omptly 
rement 
I  disco- 
diately 
rmy,  to 
s  Hill ; 
e  want 


173 

of  knowledge  in  military  science,  and  the  deficiency  of 
the  materials  of  war,  that  the  movement  of  the  troops 
was  extremely  irregular,  and  devoid  of  every  thing  like 
concert — each  regiment  advanced  according  to  the  opin- 
ions,/ee^in^«,  or  caprice  of  the  commander. 

'*  Colonel  StarkV  regiment  was  quartered  at  Medford, 
distant  about  four  miles  from  the  point  of  anticipated 
attack.  It  consisted  of  thirteen  companies,  and  was  the 
largest  regiment  in  the  army.  About  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning  he  received  orders  to  march.  The  regiment 
being  destitute  of  ammunition^  formed  in  front  of  a  house 
occupied  as  an  arsenal,  where  each  man  received  a  gili 
eup  full  of  powder,  fifteen  balls,  and  one  flint.  The 
several  captains  were  then  ordered  to  march  their  com- 
panies to  their  respective  quarters,  and  to  make  up  their 
powder  and  balls  into  cartridges  with  the  greatest  possi- 
ble despatch,  As  there  were  scarcely  two  muskets  in  a 
company  of  equal  calibre,  it  was  necessary  to  reduce  the 
size  of  the  balls  for  many  of  them ;  and  as  but  a  small 
proportion  of  the  men  had  cartridge-boxes,  the  remainder 
made  use  of  powder-horns  and  ball- pouches. 

"  After  completing  the  necessary  preparations  for  ac- 
tion, the  regiment  formed  and  marched  about  one  o'clock. 
When  it  reached  Charlestown  Neck,  we  found  two  regi- 
ments halted  in  consequence  of  a  heavy  enfilading  fire 

"  *  This  distingaiBhed  veteran  is  still  alive,  (1818)  in  the  91st  yearof  his 

age,  and  resides  in  the  State  of  New  Hampshire.    He  is  one  of  the  threr 

surviving  general  officers  of  the  revolutionary  war.    The  other  two  are 

Mi^.  Gen.  St.  Clair,  who  lives  in  tlie  interior  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Brig. 

Gen.  Huntingto;f,  of  Connecticut. 

15 


t  ■ 


•\y 


^-X»\ 


174 


thrown  across  it,  of  round,  bar  and  chniu  shot,  from  tho 
Lively  frignto  and  floating  batteries  anchored  in  Charles 
river  and  a  tloatinjs^  battery  lying  in  the  river  Mystic.  Ma. 
jor  McClary  wont  forward  and  observed  to  tho  comman- 
ders, if  they  did  not  intend  to  move  on,  ho  wished  them 
to  open  and  let  our  regiment  pass :  tho  latter  was  imme- 
diately done.  My  com.pany  being  in  front,  I  marched 
by  tho  side  of  Col.  Stark  ;  who  moving  with  a  very  de- 
liberate pace,  I  suggested  tho  propriety  of  quickening  the 
march  of  tho  regiment,  that  it  might  sooner  bo  relieved 
from  the  galling  cross-fiio  of  the  enemy.  With  a  look 
peculiar  to  himself,  ho  fixed  his  eyes  upon  me,  and  ob- 
served with  great  composure,  *  DOarborn,  one  fresh  man 
in  action  is  worth  ten  fatigued  ones,'  and  contiiuied  to 
advance  in  the  same  cool  and  collected  manner.  When 
wo  had  reoclied  Bunker's  Hill,  wliero  General  Putnam 
had  taken  his  station,  the  regiment  halted  for  a  few  mi- 
nutes for  the  rear  to  come  up.  Soon  after,  tho  enemy 
were  discovered  to  have  landed  on  tho  shore  at  Morton's 
Point,  in  front  of  Breed's  Hill,  under  cover  of  a  tre- 
mendous fire  of  shot  and  shells  from  a  battery  on  Cop's 
Hill,  in  Boston,  which  had  opened  on  tho  redoubt  at  day- 
break. 

*' Major-general  Howe  and  Brigadier-genQral  Pigot 
were  the  commanders  of  the  Briti-.  .  forces  which  first 
landed,  consisting  of  four  battalions  of  infantry,  ten  com- 
panies of  grenadiers,  and  ten  of  light  infantry,  with  a 
troin  of  artillery.  They  formed  as  they  disembarked^ 
but  remained  in  that  position  until  they  were  reinforced. 
At  this  moment  the  veteran  and  gallant  Stark  harangued 


175 


his  rogimont  in  a  short  but  nnimatod  address  ;  then  di- 
rected tliem  to  ^ivo  throe  cheers,  and  make  o  ropid 
movement  to  the  roil-fonco  which  ran  from  the  left,  and 
about  forty  yards  in  the  rear  of  the  redoubt,  toward  the 
Mystic  river. 

"  Part  of  the  grass  having  been  recently  cut,  lay  in 
winrows  ond  cocks  on  the  field.  Another  fence  was 
taken  up,  the  rails  run  through  the  one  in  front,  and  the 
hay  mown  in  the  vicinity,  suspended  upon  them,  from 
the  bottom  to  the  top,  which  had  the  oppearance  of  a 
breast- work,  but  was  in  fact  no  real  cover  to  the  men ; 
it  however  served  as  o  deception  to  the  enemy.  This 
was  done  by  the  direction  of  the  ^  commitice  of  safety ^^ 
of  which  James  Winthrop,  Esq.  who  then,  and  now  lives 
in  Cambridge,  was  one,  as  he  has  within  a  few  years  in. 
formed  me.  Mr.  Winthrop  himself  acted  as  a  volunteer 
on  that  day,  and  was  wounded  in  the  battle. 

"  At  this  moment,  our  regiment  was  formed  in  the 
rear  of  the  rail  fence,  with  one  other  small  regiment  from 
New  Hampshire,  under  the  command  of  Col.  Reed  ;  the 
fire  commenced  between  the  left  wing  of  the  British 
.irmy,  commanded  b"  Cen.  Howe,  and  the  troops  in  the 
redoubt  under  Colonel  Prescott,  while  a  column  of  the 
enemy  was  advancing  on  our  left,  on  the  shore  of  Mystic 
river,  with  an  evident  intention  of  turning  our  left  wing, 
and  that  veteran  ?ind  most  excellent  regiment  of  Welsh 
fusileers,  so  distinguished  for  its  gallant  conduct  in  the 
battle  of  Minden,  advanced  in  column  directly  on  the  rail 
fence ;  when  within  eighty  or  a  hundred  yards,  displayed 
into  line,  with  the  precision  and  firmness  of  troops  on 


176 


parade,  and  opened  a  brisk  but  regular  fire  by  platoons, 
which  was  returned  by  a  well-directed,  rapid  and  fatal 
discharge  from  our  whole  line. 

"  The  action  soon  became  general,  and  very  heavy 
from  right  to  left.  In  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  the  enemy 
gave  away  at  all  points,  and  retreated  in  great  disorder, 
leaving  a  large  number  of  dead  and  wounded  on  the 
field.  The  firing  ceased  for  a  short  time,  when  the 
enemy  formed,  advanced,  and  re-commenced  a  spirited 
fire  from  his  whole  line.  Several  attempts  were  again 
made  to  turn  our  left,  but  the  troops  having  thrown  up 
a  slight  stone  wall  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  laying 
down  behind  it,  gave  such  a  deadly  fire,  as  cut  down  al- 
most every  man  of  the  party  opposed  to  them ;  while  the 
fire  from  the  redoubt  and  the  rail  fence  was  so  well 
directed  and  so  fatal,  especially  to  the  British  officers) 
that  the  whole  army  was  compelled  a  second  time  to  re- 
treat with  precipitation  and  great  confusion.  At  this 
time  the  ground  was  covered  with  the  dead  and  wound- 
ed. Only  a  few  small  detached  parties  again  advanced, 
which  kept  up  a  distant,  ineffectual,  scattering  fire,  until 
a  strong  reinforcement  arrrived  from  Boston,  which  ad- 
vanced on  the  southern  declivity  of  the  hill,  in  the  rear 
of  Charlestown  ;  it  wheeled  by  platoons  to  the  right  and 
advanced  directly  on  the  redoubt,  without  firing  a  gun. 
By  this  time  our  ammunition  was  exhausted ;  a  few 
only  had  a  charge  left. 

*'  The  advancing  column  meide  an  attempt  to  carry  the 
redoubt  by  assault ;  but,  at  the  first  onset,  every  man  that 
mounted  the  pf/apet  was  cut  down  by  the  troops  within, 


177 


and 

I  gun- 
few 


the 

that 

[thin. 


w}}0  had  formed  on  the  opposite  side,  not  being  prepaied 
w  th  bayonets  to  meet  a  charge.  The  column  wa- 
yer<^d  for  a  moment,  but  soon  formed  again  ;  when  a  for- 
ward movement  was  made,  with  such  spirit  and  intre- 
pidity, as  to  render  the  feeble  efforts  of  a  handful  of  men, 
without  the  means  of  defence,  unavailing ;  and  they  Hed 
through  an  open  space  in  the  rear  of  the  redoubt,  which 
had  been  left  for  a  gate-way.  At  this  moment  the  rear 
of  the  British  column  advanced  round  the  angle  of  the 
redoubt,  and  threw  in  a  galling  flank  fire  upon  our 
troops,  as  they  rushed  from  it,  which  killed  and  wound- 
ed a  greater  number  than  had  fallen  before  during  the 
action.  The  whole  of  our  line  immediately  gave  way 
and  retreated  with  rapidity  towards  Bunker's  Hill,  carry- 
ing off  as  many  of  the  wounded  as  possible,  so  that  only 
thirty-six  or  seven  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy — 
among  whom  were  Lt.  Col.  Parker,  and  two  or  three 
other  officers  who  fell  in  or  near  the  redoubt. 

"  When  the  troops  arrived  at  the  summit  of  Bunker's 
Hill,  we  found  Gen.  Putnam,  with  nearly  as  many  men 
as  had  been  engaged  in  the  battle ;  notwithstanding  which 
no  measure  had  been  talcen  for  reinforcing  uSj  nor  was 
there  a  shot  fired  to  cover  our  retreat,  or  any  movement 
made  to  check  the  advance  of  the  enemy  to  this  height ; 
but  on  the  contrary.  Gen.  Putnam  rode  off,  with  a  num- 
ber of  spades  and  pick-axes  in  his  hands,  and  the  troops 
that  had  remained  with  him  inactive  during  the  whole 
of  the  action,  although  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of 
the  battle-ground  and  no  obstacle  to  impede  their  move- 
ment but  muskct-balls. 

16* 


! 


m 


173 


«  The  whole  of  our  troops  now  descended  the  north- 
west declivity  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and  re-crossed  the  Neck. 
The  New  Hampshire  line  towards  Winter  Hill,  and  the 
others  on  to  Prospect  Hill.  Some  slight  works  were 
thrown  up  in  the  course  of  the  evening — ^strong  ad- 
vance pickets  were  posted  on  the  roads  leading  to 
Charlestown,  and  the  troops,  anticipating  an  attack, 
rested  on  theii-  arms. 

"  It  is  a  most  extraordinary  fact  that  the  Brrtish  did 
not  make  a  single  charge  during  the  battle,  which,  if 
attempted,  would  have  proved  fatal  and  decisive,  as  the 
Americans  did  not  carry  fifty  bayonets  into  the  field.  In 
my  company  there  was  but  one.  Soon  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  action,  a  detachment  from  the  British 
force  in  Boston  landed  in  Charlestown;  and  within  a 
few  moments  the  whole  town  was  in  a  blaze.  A  dense 
column  rose  to  a  great  height,  and  there  being  a  gentle 
breeze  from  the  southwest,  it  hung  like  a  thundei-cloud 
over  the  contending  armies.  A  very  few  houses  escaped 
the  dreadful  conflagration  of  this  devoted  town. 

"  From  similar  mistakes,  the  field-ammunition  fur- 
nished for  the  field-pieces,  was  calculated  for  guns  of  a 
larger  calibre,  which  prevented  the  use  of  field-artillery 
on  both  sides.     There  was  no  cavalry  in  either  armf. 

"  From  the  ships  of  war  and  a  large  battery  on  Cop's 
Hill,  a  heavy  cannonade  was  kept  up  upon  our  line  and 
redoubt,  from  the  commencement  to  the  close  of  the  ac- 
tion and  during  the  retreat ;  but  with  little  effect,  excep' 
killing  the  brave  Maj.  Andrew  M'Clary  jf  Col.  Stark's 
legmtcnt  soon  after  we  retreated  from  Bunker's  Hill. 


m 

He  was  among  the  first  officers  'tf  the  nirmy— possessing 
a  sound  judgment,  of  undaunttid  bravery,  enterprisir/^ 
ardent  and  zealous,  both  as  a  patriot  and  soldier.  Hitf 
loss  was  severely  felt  by  his  compatriots  in  arms,  while 
his  country  was  deprived  Of  the  services  of  one  of  her 
most  promising  and  distinguished  champions  of  liberty. 

"  Afte^  leaving  the  field  of  battle  I  met  him  and  drank 
some  spirit  and  water  with  him.  He  was  animated  and 
sanguine  in  the  result  of  the  conflict  for  independence, 
from  the  glorious  display  of  valor  which  had  distinguish- 
ed his  countrymen  on  that  memorable  day. 

"  He  soon  observed  that  the  British  troops  on  Bunker's 
Hill  appeared  in  motion,  and  said  he  would  go  and  re- 
connoiter  them,  to  see  whether  they  were  coming  out 
over  the  neck,  at  the  same  time  directed  me  to  march 
my  company  down  the  road  towards  Charlestown.  We 
were  then  at  Tuft's  house  near  Ploughed  Hill.  1  imme- 
diately made  a  forward  movement  to  the  position  he  di- 
rected me  to  take,  and  halted  while  he  proceeded  to  the 
old  pound,  which  stood  on  the  site  now  occupied  as  a 
tavern  house  not  far  from  the  entrance  to  the  neck.  After 
he  had  satisfied  himself  that  the  enemy  did  not  intend  to 
imve  their  strong  posts  on  the  heights,  he  was  returning 
towards  me,  and  within  twelve  or  fifteen  rods  of  where  I 
stood  with  my  company,  a  random  shot,  from  one  of  the 
frigates  lying  near  where  the  centre  of  Craigie's  bridge 
now  is,  passed  directly  through  his  body,  and  put  to 
flight  one  of  the  most  heroic  souls  that  ever  animal  d 
man. 

"  He  leaped  two  or  three  feet  from  the  groijiid,  |)ltched 


ISO 

forward  and  fell  dead  upon  his  face.  I  had  him  carried 
to  Medford,  where  he  was  interred,  \^ith  all  the  respect 
and  honors  we  could  exhibit  to  the  manes  of  a  great  and 
gopd  man.  He  was  my  bosom  friend ;  we  had  grown 
up  together  on  terms  of  thp  greatest  intimacy,  and  1  loved 
him  as  a  brother. 

"  My  position  in  the  battle,  more  the  result  of  accident 
than  any  regularity  of  formation,  was  on  the  right  of  the 
line  at  the  rail-fence,  which  afforded  me  a  fair  view  of 
the  whole  scene  of  action. 

^*  Our  '^eii  were  intent  on  cutting  down  every  officer 
they  cou,  distinguish  in  the  British  line.  When  any  of 
them  discover  one  he  would  instantly  exclaim,  *  there  I 
see  that  officer !  let  us  have  a  shot  at  him !'  when  two  or 
three  would  fire  at  the  same  moment ;  and  as  our  soldiers 
were  excellent  marksmen  and  rested  their  muskets  over 
the  fence,  they  were  sure  of  their  object.  An  officer 
was  discovered  to  mount  near  the  position  of  Gen.  Howe, 
on  the  left  of  the  British  line,  and  ride  towards  our  left ; 
which  a  column  was  endeavoring  to  turn.  This  was 
the  only  officer  on  horseback  during  the  day,  and  as  he 
approached  the  rail-fence,  I  heard  a  number  of  our  men 
observe,  *  there  !  there  !  see  that  officer  on  hprse]Dack  ; 
let  us  fire.'  '  No,  not  yet ;  wait  until  he  gets  to  that  little 
knoll— now!' — when  they  fired  and  he  instantly  fell 
dead  from  his  horse.  It  proved  to  be  Major  Pitcairn,  a 
distinguished  officer. 

*'  The  fire  of  the  enemy  was  so  badly  directed,  I  should 
presume  that  forty-nine  balls  out  of  fifty  passed  from  one 
t9  six  feet  over  our  heads  ;  for  I  nQtjce.d  an  apple-tree, 


m 


m  I  w  I 


181 

some  paces  in  the  rear,  which  had  scarcely  a  ball  in  it 
from  the  trunk  and  ground  as  high  as  a  man's  head, 
while  the  trunk  and  branches  above  were  literally  cut  to 
pieces. 

"  I  commanded  a  full  company  in  action,  and  had  only 
one  man  killed  and  five  wounded,  which  was  a  full  aver- 
age of  the  loss  we  sustained,  excepting  those  who  fell 
while  sallying  from  the  redoubt,  when  it  was  stormed 
by  the  British  column. 

"  Our  total  loss  in  killed  was  eighty-eight,  and  as  well 
as  I  can  recollect,  upward  of  two  hundred  wounded. 
Our  platoon  officers  carried  fusees. 

"  In  the  course  of  the  action,  after  firing  away  what 
ammunition  I  had,  I  walked  to  the  higher  ground  to  the 
right,  in  rear  of  the  redoubt,  with  an  expectation  of  pro- 
curing from  some  of  the  dead  or  wounded  men  who  lay 
there,  a  supply.  While  in  that  situation,  I  saw  at  some 
distance  a  dead  man  lying  near  a  small  locust  tree.  As 
he  appeared  to  be  much  better  dressed  than  our  men 
generally  were,  I  asked  a  man  who  was  passing  me,  if 
he  knew  who  it  was.    He  replied,  '  It  is  Dr.  Warren.* 

"I  did  not  personally  knoAr  Dr.  Warren,  but  was  ac- 
quainted with  his  public  character.  He  had  been  recent- 
ly appointed  a  general  in  our  service,  but  had  not  taken 
command.  He  was  President  of  the  Provincial  Congress 
then  sitting  at  Watertown,  and  having  heard  that  there 
would  probably  be  an  action,  had  come  to  share  in  what- 
ever might  happen,  in  the  character  of  a  volunteer,  and 
was  unfortunately  killed  early  in  the  action.  His  death 
was  a  severe  misfortune  to  his  friends  and  country.    Pos- 


I 

1 


182 

terity  will  appreciate  hi$  \yorth  and  do  honor  to  his  me- 
mory. He  is  immortalized  as  a  pc^triot,  who  gloriously 
fell  in  defence  of  freedom. 

"  The  number  of  our  troops  in  action,  as  near  as  I 
was  able  to  ascertain,  did  not  exceed  fifteen  hundred. 
The  force  of  the  British  at  the  commencement  of  the 
action,  was  estimated  at  about  the  same  number,  but  they 
were  frequently  reinforced.  Had  our  ammunition  held 
out,  or  had  we  been  supplied  with  only  fifteen  or  twenty 
rounds,  I  have  no  doubt  that  we  should  have  killed  and 
wounded  the  greatest  part  of  their  army  and  compelled 
the  remainder  to  have  laid  down  their  arms ;  for  it  was 
with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  they  were  brought  up  the 
last  time.  Our  fire  was  so  deadly,  particularly  to  the 
officers,  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  have  re- 
sisted it,  but  for  a  short  time  longer. 

"  I  did  not  5ee  a  man  quit  his  post  during  the  action,  and 
do  not  believe  a  single  soldier  who  was  brought  into  the 
field,  fled,  until  the  whole  army  was  obliged  to  retreat 
for  want  of  powder  and  ball. 

"  The  total  loss  of  the  British  was  about  twelve  hun- 
dred ;  upward  of  five  hundred  killed,  and  between  six 
and  seven  hundred  wounded.  The  Welsh  fusijeers  suf- 
fered most  seyerely ;  they  came  into  action  five  hundred 
strong,  arid  all  were  killed  or  wounded  but  eighty-three- 

"J.  will  mention  an  extraordinary  circumstance  to 
show  how  far  the  temporary  reputation  of  a  man  may 
affect  the  minds  of  all  classes  of  society. 

"  General  Putnam  had  entered  our  army  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  revolutionary  war,  with  such  a  uni- 


118  me' 
riously 

ir  as  I 

mdred. 

of  the 
ut  they 
m  held 
twenty 
led  and 
npelled 

it  was 
t  up  the 
'  to  the 
lave  re- 

on,  ar*d 

into  the 

retreat 

re  hiin- 
en  six 
ers  suf- 
undred 
jr-three- 
ince  to 
n  may 

e  com- 
auni- 


183 

versal  popularity  as  can  scarcely  NO^V  be  conceived,  even 
by  those  who  then  felt  the  whole  Aurce  of  it;  and  no 
one  can  at  this  time  offer  any  satisfactory  reasons  why 
he  was  held  in  i^uch  high  estimation. 

**  In  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  he  took  post  on  the 
declivity  toward  Charlestown  Neck  ;  where  I  saw  him 
on  horseback  as  we  passed  on  to  Breed's  Hill,  with  Col. 
Gerrish  by  his  side.  I  heard  the  gallant  Gol.  Prescott, 
(who  commanded  in  the  redoabt)  observe  after  the  war? 
at  the  table  of  his  Exr  Uency,-  Jam6s  Bowdoin,  then 
Governor  of  this  Commonwealth,  *  that  he  sent  three 
njiessengers  during  the  battle  to  Gen.  Putnam,  requesting 
him  to  come  forward  and  take  the  command,  there  being 
no  general  officer  present,  and  the  relative  rank  of  the 
Colonel  not  having  been  settled  ;  but  that  he  received  no 
answer,  and  his  wl»le  conduct  was  such,  both  during 
the  action  and  the  retreat,  that  he  ought  to  have  been 
shot'  He  remained  at  or  near  the  top  of  Bunker  \'\\\ 
until  the  retreat^  with  Col.  Gerrish  by  his  side ;  I  t>a  r 
them  together  when  we  retreated.  He  not  only  con- 
tinued at  that  distance  himself  during  the  whole  of  the 
action,  but  had  a  force  with  him  nearly  as  large  as  that 
engaged.  No  reinforcement  of  men  or  ammunition  iras 
sent  to  our  assistance ;  and,  instead  of  attempting  to  co  /er 
the  retreat  of  those  who  had  expended  their  last  shot  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy,  he  retreated  in  company  with 
Col.  Gerrish,  and  his  whole  force,  without  discharging  a, 
single  musket.  But,  what  is  still  more  astonishing. 
Col.  Gerrish  was  arrested  for  cowardice^  tried,  cashiered, 
and  universally  excavated  ;  while  not  a  word  wns  said 


■ 


I 


184 


1 


against  the  cciidnct  of  Gen.  Putnam,  whose  extraordi- 
nary "popularity  alone  saved  him,  not  only  from  trial, 
but  even  from  censure.  Col.  Gerrish  commanded  a  re- 
giment, and  should  have  been  at  its  head.  His  regiment 
was  not  in  action,  although  ordered  ;  but  as  he  was  in 
the  suit  of  the  general,  and  appeared  to  be  in  the  situa- 
tion of  adjutant-general,  why  was  he  not  directed  by 
Putnam  to  join  it,  or  the  regiment  sent  into  action  under 
the  senior  oflBcer  present  with  it  ? 

*'  When  Gen.  Putnam's  ephemeral  and  unaccountable 
popularity  subsided  or  faded  away,  and  the  minds  of  the 
people  were  released  from  the  shackles  of  a  delusive 
trance,  the  circumstances  relating  to  Bunker  Hill  were 
viewed  and  talked  of  in  a  very  different  light ;  and  the 
selection  of  the  unfortunate  Col.  Gerrish  as  a  scape-goat 
considered  as  a  mysterious  and  inexplicable  event. 

"  I  have  no  private  feelis  g  *o  gratify  by  making  this 
statement  in  relation  to  Gen,  Putnam^  as  I  never  had 
any  intercourse  with  him,  and  was  only  in  the  army 
where  he  was  present,  for  a  few  months ;  but  at  this 
late  period,  I  conceive  it  a  duty  to  give  a  fair  and  impar- 
tial account  of  one  of  the  most  important  battles  during 
the  war  of  independence,  and  all  the  circumstances  con- 
nected with  it  so  far  as  I  had  the  means  of  being  cor- 
rectly informed. 

"  It  is  a  duty  I  owe  to  posterity,  and  the  character  of 
those  brave  oflScers  who  bore  a  share  in  the  hardships  of 
the  revolution. 

**  Nothing  like  discipline  had  entered  our  army  at  that 
time.    Gen.  Ward,  then  commander-in-chief,  remained 


185 


in  his  quarters  in  Cambridge^  and  apparciitly  took  no 
interest  ox  part  in  the  transactions  of  the  day.  -r  •  r:  ' 
<■  "No  general  officer,  except  Putnam^  appeared  in 
sight,  nor  did  any  officer  assume  the  command,  inder- 
tako  to  form  the  troops,  or  give  any  orders,  that  1  '"ard 
except  Col.  Starl:,  who  directed  his  regimeui  to  *«, 
their  fire  on  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  until  they  ^^^  ti 
again.  Every  platoon  officer  was  engaged  in  u 
ing  his  own  musket  and  left  his  men  to  fire  as  j 
pleased,  but  never  without  a  sure  aim  at  some  particular 
object,  which  was  more  destructive  than  any  mode 
which  could  have  been  adopted  witli  troops  who  were 
not  inured  to  discipline,  and  never  had  been  in  battle, 
but  were  still  familiar  with  the  use  of  arms,  from  boy- 
hood, and  each  having  his  peculiar  manner  of  loading 
and  firing,  which  had  been  practised  upon  for  years 
with  the  same  gun  ;  any  attempt  to  control  them  by  uni- 
formity and  system,  would  have  rendered  their  fires 
infinitely  less  fatal  to  the  enemy.  Not  an  officer  or 
soldier  of  the  continental  troops  engaged  was  in  uni- 
form, but  were  in  the  plain  and  ordinary  dress  of  citizens  ; 
nor  was  there  an  officer  on  horse-back.  (Signed) 
u        ^   u  ;        i  ;    :        H.  DEARBORN." 


.) 


•  ■   It  was  attempted  to  invalidate  this  account,  at  the 

time,  by  a  publication  by  Col.  Daniel  Putnam,  son  of  the 

General,  and  the  statements  of  Colonels  John  Trumbull 

and  Thomas  Qrosvenor,  were  given,  as  sufficient  to 

lessen  or  destroy  the  weight  of  Dearborn's  statement,  so 

fer  as  it  implicated  Gen.  Putrttw,  for  all  agreed  to  the 

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accuracy  of  the  account  in  every  other  particular.  Col. 
Putnam  wrote  and  expressed  himself  with  much  warmth ; 
calling  Dearborn  hard  names,  and  denouncing  him  as  a 
disgraced  General  and  base  slanderer.  Unfortunately 
for  the  truth  of  history,  it  was  a  time  of  great  political 
excitement,  Gen.  Dearborn  being  at  the  time  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
and  General  John  Brooks  the  opposing  or  Federal  can- 
didate. The  writer,  at  the  time  was  a  voter  in  that 
state,  and  for  two  successive  years  deposited  his  vote  in 
favor  of  Brooks,  who  both  years  obtained  the  election. 
He  is  not  sensible  of  having  any  predilection  in  favor  of 
Dearborn,  either  personally  or  politically,  neither  has  he 
the  least  objection  to  him  or  his  statement  in  itself;  the 
truth  being  the  only  object  in  such  a  case,  and  the  only 
issue  before  the  public.  Colonel  Putnam  further  stated 
with  great  confidence,  that  the  conduct  of  his  father  was 
such  during  the  war,  as  to  secure  the  entire  confidence  of 
Congress,  Washington  and  the  public.  His  pamphlet  is 
not  now  before  me  and  I  write  from  recollection. 

In  support  of  the  charges  against  Dearborn  and  in 
defence  of  his  father,  he  published  the  following  letters, 
from  Colonels  Trumbull  and  Grosvenor.  "  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1786, 1  became  acquainted  in  London,  with  Col. 
John  Small,  of  the  British  army,  who  had  served  in 
America  many  years,  and  had  known  General  Putnam 
intimately  during  the  war  of  Canada  from  1766  to  1763. 
From  him  I  had  the  two  following  anecdotes  respecting 
the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill;  I  shall  nearly  repeat  his 
words ;  looking  at  the  gieture  which  I  had  almost  com- 


isir 

pleted,  he  said :  "  1  do  not  like  the  situation  in  which 
you  have  placed  my  old  friend  Putnam ;  you  have  not 
done  him  justice.  I  wish  you  would  alter  that  part  of 
your  picture,  and  introduce  a  ciicumstance  which  actu- 
ally happened,  and  which  I  can  never  forget.  When 
the  British  troops  advanced  the  second  time  to  the  attack 
of  the  redoubt,  I,  with  other  officers  was  in  front  of  the 
liue  to  encourage  the  men  ;  we  had  advanced  very  near 
the  works  undisturbed,  when  an  irregular  fire,  like  a 
feu-de-joie,  was  poured  in  upon  us ;  it  was  cruelly  fatal. 
The  troops  fell  back,  and  when  I  glanced  my  eye  to  the 
right  and  left,  I  saw  not  one  officer  standing ;  I  looked 
to  the  right  and  left,  and  saw  several  young  men  level- 
ing  their  pieces  at  me;  I  knew  their  excellence  as 
marksmen,  and  considered  myself  gone.  At  that  mo- 
ment my  old  friend  Putnam  rushed  forward,  and  strik- 
ing up  the  muzzles  of  their  pieces  with  his  sword,  cried 
out,  "  For  God's  sake,  my  lads,  dont  fire  at  that  man — ^I 
love  him  as  I  do  my  brother."  We  were  so  near  each 
other  that  I  heard  his  words  distinctly.  He  was  obeyed ; 
I  bowed,  thanked  him,  and  walked  away  unmolested. 

At  the  moment  when  the  troops  succeeded  in  carrying 
the  redoubt,  and  the  Americans  were  in  full  retreat.  Gen. 
Howe,  (who  had  been  hurt  by  a  spent  ball  which  bruised 
his  ancle,)  was  leaning  on  my  arm.  He  called  suddenly 
to  me  :  do  you  see  that  elegant  young  man  who  has  just 
fallen?  Do  you  know  him?  I  looked  to  the  spot 
towards  which  he  pointed — Good  God,  sir,  I  believe  it  is 
my  friend  Warren  !  Leave  me  then  instantly — run — 
keep  off  the  troops,  save  him  if  possible !    I  flew  to  the 


'!)1 


W^i 


188 

6pot,  "  my  dear  friend,"  I  said  to  him,  "  I  hope  you  are 
not  badly  hurt ;"  he  looked  up,  seemed  to  recollect  mei 
smiled  and  died  !  A  musket  ball  had  passed  through  the 
upper  part  of  his  head.  •    ■   ••  ~   •  ,  -       .   •     . 

u  '    JOHN  TRUMBULL." 

"  Paniel  Putnam,  Esq." 


^ » V.9  4i>'''  J ' i*  ■ 


■  I  ,  •'.  ,1' 


>ii 


In  addition  to  the  above,  the  following  letter  from 
Judge  Thomas  Grosvenor,  of  Pomfret,  addressed  to  Col. 
Putnam  son  of  the  General,  was  published  to  repel  the 
statement  of  General  Dearborn.  « Being  under  the 
command  of  Gen.  Putnam,  part  of  our  regiment  and  a 
much  larger  number  of  Massachusetts'  troops  under  Col. 
Prescott  were  ordered  to  march,  on  the  jvening  of  the 
sixteenth  of  June,  1775,  to  Breed's  Hill,  r/here  under  the 
immediate  superintendence  of  Gen.  Putnam,  ground 
•was  broken  and  a  redoubt  formed.  On  the  following 
day,  the  seventeenth,  dispositions  wei  ide  to  deter  the 
advance  of  the  enemy,  as  there  was  reason  to  believe  an 
immediate  attack  was  intended.  Gen.  Putnam  during 
the  period  was  extremely  active,  and  directed  principally 
the  operations.  All  were  animated,  and  their  General 
inspired  confidence  by  his  example.  The  British  army 
having  made  dispositions  for  landing  at  Morton's  Point, 
were  covered  by  the  fire,  shot  and  shells  from  Copp's 
Hill,  in  Boston,  which  it  had  opened  on  our  redoubt 
early  in  the  morning,  and  continued  the  greatest  part  of 
the  day.  At  this  moment  a  detachment  of  four  lieu- 
tenants  (of  which  I  was  one)  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  selected   the  previous  day  from  General 


IS^ 


Putnam's  regiment,  under  Captain  Knowlton,  were,  by 
the  General,  ordered  to  take  post  at  u  rail  fence  on  the 
left  of  the  breast  work,  that  ran  north  from  the  re- 
doubt to  the  bottom  of  Breed's  Hill.  This  order  was 
promptly  executed,  and  our  detachment,  in  advancing  to 
the  post,  took  one  rail  fence  and  placed  it  against  the 
other,  (as  a  partial  cover,)  nearly  parallel  Vi  ith  the  line 
of  the  breast  work,  and  extended  our  left  nearly  to 
Mystic  river.  Each  man  was  furnished  with  one  pound 
of  gunpowder  and  forty-eight  balls.  The  ammunition 
was  received,  however,  prior  to  marching  to  Breed's  Hill. 
In  this  position  our  detachment  remained  until  a  second 
division  of  British  troops  landed,  when  they  commenced 
a  fire  of  their  field  artillery  of  several  rounds,  and  par- 
ticularly against  the  rail  fence ;  then  formed  in  columns, 
advanced  to  the  attack,  displayed  in  line  at  about  the 
distance  of  musket  shot,  and  commenced  firing.  At 
this  instant  our  whole  line  opened  upon  the  enemy,  and 
so  precise  and  fatal  was  our  fire,  that  in  the  course  of  a 
short  time  they  gave  way  and  retired  in  disorder  out  of 
musket  shot,  leaving  before  us  many  killed  and  wounded' 
There  was  but  a  short  respite  on  the  part  of  the  British? 
as  their  lines  were  soon  filled  up  and  led  against  ns  j 
when  they  were  met  as  before,  and  forced  back  with 
great  loss.'  On  reinforcements  joining  the  enemy,  they 
made  a  direct  advance  on  the  redoubt,  and  being  suc- 
cessful, which  our  brave  Captain  Knowlton  perceiving, 
ordered  a  retreat  of  his  men,  in  which  he  was  sustained 
by  two  companies  under  the  command  of  Captains  Clark 

and  Chester.    The  loss  of  our  detachment,  1  presume* 

16* 


if 

■  ;  III. 


190 

was  nearly  equal.  Of  my  own  immediate  command  of 
thirty  men  and  one  subaltern,  there  were  eleven  killed 
and  wounded  ;  among  the  latter  was  myself,  though  not 
so  severely  as  to  prevent  my  retiring.  At  the  rail  fence 
there  was  not  posted  any  corps  save  our  own  under 
Knowlton,  when  the  firing  commenced ;  nor  did  I  hear 
of  any  other  being  there  till  long  after  the  action.  Other 
troops,  it  was  said,  were  ordered  to  join,  but  refused  do- 
ing so.  Of  the  officers  on  the  ground,  the  most  active 
within  my  observation,  were  General  Putnam,  Colonel 
Prescott  and  Captain  Knowlton  j  but  no  doubt  there 
were  many  more,  equally  brave  and  meritorious,  wha 
must  naturally  have  escaped  the  eye  of  one  attending  to> 
his  own  immediate  command." 

The  subjoined  letter  from  Washington  to  Putnam, 
taken  from  Humphrey's  Life  of  Putnam,  seems  to  have 
been  in  answer  to  a  letter  of  Putnam's  to  him,  the  design 
of  which  was  to  obtain  Washington's  opinion  and  influ- 
ence to  secure  Ki^  pay  when  not  in  service.  This  letter 
was  published  by  Col.  Putnam  to  show  the  entire  con- 
fidence Washington  always  reposed  in  Gen.  Putnam  his 
father,  and  thereby  lessen  the  weight  of  Dearborn's  state- 

,    .^   .,_  ..    ** Head  Quartersy  2d  June,  17SZ:\^: 

^.,  ...Your  favor  of  the  20th  May  I  received  with 
much  pleasure.  For  I  can  assure  you  that  among  the 
many  worthy  and  meritorious  officers  with  whom  I  have 


191 


with 
the 
have 


had  the  happiness  to  be  connected  in  the  service  during 
the  course  of  this  war,  and  from  whose  cheerful  assist- 
ance [and  advice  I  have  received  much  support  and 
confidence]  in  the  various  and  trying  vicissitudes  of  a 
complicated  contest,  the  name  of  Putnam  is  not  for- 
gotten.  The  Secretary  of  War  who  is  now  hero, 
informs  me  that  you  have  ever  been  considered  as  entitled 
to  full  pay  since  your  absence  from  the  field,  nnd  that 
you  will  still  be  considered  in  that  light  until  the  close 
of  the  war ;  at  which  period  you  will  be  equally  entitled 
to  the  same  emoluments  of  half  pay  or  commutation  as 
other  officers  of  your  rank.  The  same  opinion  is  also 
given  by  the  paymaster-general  who  is  now  with  the 
army."  -  r 


■1  \ 


The  above  extract  from  Washington's  letter,  is  all 
that  expresses  any  opinion  of  Putnam;  and  that  is 
exceedingly  equivocal.  It  may  be  here  noticed  that 
Mr.  Peabody,  in  a  recent  life  of  Putnam,  has  interpolated 
the  words  in  the  above  letter  inclosed  in  brackets;  a 
very  significant  alteration,  it  might  have  been  the  result 
of  accident.  Col.  Grosvenor,  a  gentleman  of  high 
standing,  has  no  doubt  given  a  true  account  of  what  he 
saw.  Having  been  called  on  to  contradict  Dearborn,  it 
may  be  presumed  he  would  have  done  so,  if  truth 
would  have  permitted.  His  history  so  far  as  it  alludes 
to  General  Putnam,  was  all  in  the  forenoon,  two  or 
three  hours  before  the  action  commenced,  for  Stark  with 
whom  Dearborn  marched,  did  not  arrive  at  Breed's  Hill 


192 

more  than  half  an  hour  before  the  action  commenced, 
nearly  or  quite  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Grosvenor 
does  not  say  he  saw  Putnam  in  the  action,  although 
willing  it  should  so  be  believed.  No  part  of  his  state- 
ment, bears  favorably  or  unfavorably  on  Dearborn, 
directly,  but  is  strong  negative  testimony  in  support  of 
it.  Washington's  opinion  of  Putnam  will  be  noticed 
hereafter. 

After  the  above  statements  were  published,  and  many 
anonymous  publications,  in  the  prints  of  the  day,  tending 
to  keep  up  a  strong  feeling  against  General  Dearborn  ; 
he  caused  to  be  published  in  a  Boston  paper^  what 
follows : — 

"  As  it  appears  from  various  publications  that  attempts 
have  been  made  to  invalidate  the  account,  which  I  have 
given  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  thus  to  produce 
an  excitement  against  me,  not  warranted  by  facts,  I  have 
been  induced  to  have  the  following  documents  made 
public.  If  there  are  any  persons  of  candid  and  unpre- 
judiced mindsj  who  have  conceived  there  were  some 
grounds  for  doubting  the  general  correctness  of  my 
observations,  in  relation  to  that  memorable  event,  the 
concurring  declarations  of  many  respectable  characters 
may  afford  them  satisfaction.'*  '     '  "''  "^  ■       "' 

'  H.  DEARBORN.  "^ 

Boston,  June  10th,  IQIS.  '  ^ 


■  rs 


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193 


1 


;^'' 


:N. 


H">ij' 


Gen.  Michael  M' 


Clary's  Letter.     '  ' 
«  Epsomt  May  10, 1818. 


"  Dear  Sir — 
unv.  .!-  4(  Your  letter  of  the  1st  instant  I  received  yester- 
day, and  a  few  days  previously,  I  saw  in  the  New  Hamp- 
shire Patriot  the  account  published  by  your  father  of 
what  is  generally  called  Bunker  Hill  battle,  which,  to  the 
best  of  my  recollection,  is  correct. 

"  I  was  in  the  battle  from  its  commencement  to  the 
end,  and  have  no  recollection  of  seeing  Gen.  Putnam  in 
or  near  it.  I  was  the  principal  part  of  the  time  the  ac- 
tion continued  near  Col.  Stark,  who  commanded  the 
regiment  to  which  I  belonged,  and  on  our  retreat  from 
Breed's  Hill,  in  ascending  Bunker  Hill,  I  well  remember 
seeing  Gen.  Putnam  there  on  his  horse,  with  a  spade  in 
his  hand. 

•  "  Being  an  officer  in  the  company  under  your  father's 
command,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  knowing  the  circum- 
stances generally  attending  the  battle ;  ard  if  Gen.  Put- 
nam had  been  there  [that  is,  taken  any  oart  in  it]  I 
should  have  known  it. 

'-  "  I  am,  dear  sir,  d&c. 

"     '     '^  « MICHAEL  McCLARY, 

**  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn."  ['' 

Gen.  B.  Pierce's  Letter.  •  '. 

«  Hillshoro,  N.  H.,  Map  17,  1818. 
"  Much  respected  general — 

"  I  have  read  your  account  of  the  battle  of  Bun- 
ker Hill,  and  consider  it  to  be  more  like  the  thing  itself 


194 


than  any  statement  I  have  seen.  I  went  on  to  the  hill 
about  11  o'clock,  A.  M.,  on  the  i7th.  When  J  arrived 
at  the  summit  of  Bunker  Hill,  I  saw  there  two  pieces  of 
cannon,  and  two  or  three  soldiers  standing  by  them,  who 
said  they  belonged  to  Oapt.  Callender's  company,  and 
that  the  officers  had  run  away.  Gen.  Putnam  sat  there 
upon  a  horse.  I  saw  nobody  else  but  him  and  the  before 
mentioned  soldiers.  The  general  requested  our  compa- 
ny (which  was  commanded  by  Capt.  John  Ford,  of 
Chelmsford,  Massachusetts)  to  take  these  cannon  down 
to  the  lines  ;  which  they  refui«ed  to  do,  saying  they  had 
no  knowledge  of  the  use  of  artillery,  but  were  ready  to 
fight  with  their  own  arms.  Capt.  Ford  then  addressed 
his  company  in  a  very  animated  strain,  which  had  the 
desired  eflect,  and  they  seized  the  ropes,  and  soon  drew 
the  cannon  to  the  rail  fence.  f       ?    vf 

"  I  think  I  saw  Gen.  Putnam  at  that  place,  looking 
f(»r  something  he  had  lost.  I  did  not  hear  him  give  any 
orders,  or  assume  any  command,  except  at  the  top  o^ 
Bunker  Hill,  when  I  was  going  to  the  field  of  action.  I 
remained  at  the  rail  fence  until  all  the  powder  and  ball 
were  spent.  I  had  a  full  view  of  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  and  I  think  your  statement  of  the  order  of  the 
day,  and  of  the  two  contending  armies,  correct,  and  can- 
not be  denied  with  the  semblance  of  truth.  Excuse  an 
old  soldier. 

.  ,  "I  am,  sir,  &c., 

«B.  PIERCE. 

"  Mai.  Gen.  Henry  Dearborn.'' 


196 
Lktter  of  Dr.  Thomas  Kittrxdoe,  of  Andover. 

'""'  '""        '  '  •      '   '' Boston,  June  18, 1818.  . 

"Sir— 

•*  I  received  your  letter  of  tlie  8th  instant  in  due 
season,  in  which  you  request  me  to  answer  certain  ques- 
tions respecting  the  battle  on  Bunker  Hill,  ho  called. 

"  I  was  surgeon  in  Frye's  regiment,  and  marched  with 
the  troops  in  the  evening  of  the  16th  of  June,  1775, 
which  consisted  of  three  regiments,  according  to  the  best 
of  my  recollection — Frye's,  Prescott's  and  Bridge's.* — 
Col.  Prescott  was  considered  commander  of  the  whole 
detachment.  We  arrived  at  the  hill  late  in  the  evening, 
and  the  troops  immediately  commenced  throwing  up 
works  for  our  defence.  •  •  •  •  i  left  the  hill  with 
the  first  who  was  wounded,  passed  over  Charlestown 
Neck,  where  I  proceeded  to  dress  his  wounds.  You  ask 
whether  I  saw  Gen.  Putnam  on  that  day,  and  where  ? 
I  saw  him  only  once,  as  I  came  off,  at  the  foot  of  the 
lower  hill,  between  where  the  battle  was  and  Charles- 
town  Neck.  He  was  under  a  tree,  with,  as  1  supposed, 
about  thirty  or  forty  men.  I  made  a  halt,  when  I  came 
against  him,  of  ihree  or  four  minutes ;  and  while  I  was 
there,  I  heard  Gen.  Putnam  request  some  of  the  men  to 
go  up  to  the  fort  and  endeavor  to  get  some  of  the  in- 


;£. 


*  '*  According  to  Col.  Swett,  there  were  attached  to  this  expedition, 
in  addition  to  the  above,  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  of  Gen.  Putnam's 
regiment,  and  one  conqumy  of  artUlerj,  mioking  in  all  about  one  thoosaud 


men. 


') 


196 

trenching  tools,  I  immediately  left  them,  went  over  thci 
Neck,  and  there  continued  dressing  the  wounded  until 
the  engagement  was  over.  , , 

"  I  am,  sir,  6cc., 
"  THOMAS  KITTRIDGE. 
**  Gen.  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn."  ,  ri^",»  ^r    ,i 


"  I,  Samuel  Lawrence,  of  Groton,  Esquire,  testify  and 
say,  that  I  was  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  (so  called) 
in  Col.  Wm.  Prescott's  regiment;  that  I  marched  with 
the  regiment  to  the  point  on  Breed's  Hill,  which  was  fixed 
on  for  a  redoubt ;  that  I  assisted  in  throwing  up  the 
work,  and  in  forming  a  redoubt,  under  Col.  Prescott, 
who  directed  the  whole  of  this  operation.  The  work 
was  begun  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  June  16, 
1775.  I  was  there  the  whole  time,  and  continued  in  the 
redoubt,  or  in  the  little  fort,  during  the  whole  battle  until 
the  enemy  came  in  and  a  retreat  was  ordered.    ■ 

"  Gen.  Putnam  was  not  present  either  while  the  works 
were  erecting,  or  during  the  battle.  I  could  distinctly 
see  the  rail  fence  and  the  troops  stationed  there  during 
the  battle,  biit  Gen.  Putnam  was  not  present  as  I  saw. 
Just  before  the  battle  commenced.  Gen.  Warren  came  to 
the  redoubt.  He  had  on  a  blue  coat,  white  waistcoat, 
and  I  think  a  cocked  hat,  but  of  this  I  am  not  certain. 
Col.  Prescott  advanced  to  him,  said  he  was  glad  to  see 
him,  and  hoped  he  would  take  the  command.  General 
Warren  replied,  '  No,  he  came  to  see  the  action,  but  not 
to  take  command ;  that  he  was  only  a  volunteer  on  that 
day,'    Afterwards  I  saw  Gen.  Warren  shot ;  I  saw  him 


107 


3Tth6 

until 


I  )\r  .1 
\  • 

fyand 
called) 
i  with 
s  fixed 
ip  the 
rescott, 
5  work 
me  16, 
I  in  the 
e  until 

works 
stinctly 
during 
I  saw. 
ame  to 
istcoat, 
:ertain. 
to  see 
General 
)Ut  not 
on  that 
iwhim 


when  the  ball  Btruek  him,  and  from  that  time  until  he 
expired.  No  British  officer  was  within  forty  or  fifty  rods 
of  him»  from  the  time  the  ball  stiuck  him  until  1  saw  he 
was  dead. 

"(Signed)  >      SAMUEL  LA WRBNCE.»» 

Sworn  to  before  SamU.  Dana,  Justice  of  the  Peace,  d&c. 


<u 


"  I  commanded  a  company  of  artillery  from  the  town 
of  Marbiehead,  attached  to  Col.  Richard  Gridley's  regi- 
ment,  stationed  at  Cambridge.  About  one  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  17th  of  June,  1776,  I  left  Cambridge 
with  my  company,  for  Bunker's  Hill.  When  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  Colleges,  I  saw  Gen.  Putnam 
pass  upon  a  horse  towards  the  town  of  Cambridge,  and 
in  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  I  saw  him  pass  in  like  man- 
ner towards  Chorlestown.  When  I  arrived  at  Bunker's 
Hill,  on  the  north-west  side,  I  there  saw  Gen.  Putnam 
dismounted,  in  company  with  several  others.  I  halted 
my  company,  and  went  forward  to  select  a  station  for  my 
pieces,  and  on  my  return,  saw  Gen.  Putnam  as  before ; 
the  American  and  English  forces  being  then  engaged. 
I  proceeded  on  with  my  company,  and  soon  after  joined 
that  part  of  the  American  force  at  the  rail  fence,  towards 
Mystic  river,  the  Americans  commenced  a  general  retreat. 
As  I  was  descending  the  north-west  side  of  Bunker's 
Hill,  I  again  saw  Gen.  Putnam  in  the  same  place,  putting 
his  tent  upon  his  horse.  I  asked  him  where  I  should 
retreat  with  the  field-piece  I  had  brought  off;  he  replied 
to  Cambridge,  and  I  accordingly  marched  my  company 
to  Cambridge.   *'•*•-»»      <-   ;  • 

17 


i-/. 


.♦.wj-; 


198 

"  In  the  month  of  May  or  June,  1795,  being  in  the 
island  of  Guernsey,  I  had  occasion  in  the  course  of  busi- 
ness to  call  upon  Maj.  (alias  Col.  Small,)  the  governor* 
After  closing  my  business  with  him,  he  remarked  that 
my  countenance  was  not  new  to  him,  and  inquired  where 
he  had  seen  me.  I  replied,  that  it  must  have  been  at 
Col.  Ingersoll's  tavern,  in  Boston — and  that  1  had  once 
been  opposed  to  him  in  action.  He  immediately  entered 
into  a  free  and  general  conversation  on  the  battle  of 
Bunker's  Hill  j  but  he  made  no  inquiry  after  Gen.  Put- 
nam, nor  did  he  in  any  way,  either  directly  or  indirectly, 
allude  to  him,  either  as  a  friend  or  an  officer. 

«  SAMUEL  R.  TBEVETT.  ,, 

"  Boston,  June  2,  1818." 

Affidavit  of  Robert  Bradford  Wilkins. 

"  I,  Robert  B.  Wilkins,  of  Concord,  county  of  Rock- 
ingham, State  of  New  Hampshire,  do  testify  and  say,  that 
I  acted  as  a  private  soldier  in  the  battle  of  Breed's  Hill, 
otherwise  called  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  on  the  17th 
of  June,  1775  ;  that  I  was  attached  to  Capt.  Levi  Spaul- 
ding's  company,  of  Col.  Jas.  Reed's  regiment.  That  1 
was  on  that  day  stationed  at  Charlestown,  below  the 
Neck  and  on  the  main  street ;  that  our  company  pro- 
ceeded from  thence  on  to  Bunker's  Hill,  over  the  hollow 
and  on  to  Breed's  Hill ;  that  after  our  company  arrived 
at  the  works,  near  Mystic  river,  I  was  sent  back  on  an 
errand,  by  the  captain,  to  the  house  where  we  had  been 
stationed,  and  on  returning  by  a  route  nearer  to  the 
Neck,  than  that  we  first  passed,  I  saw  Gen.  Putnam  with 


190 

Col.  Gerrish,  as  near  as  I  could  judge  one  hundred  rods 
from  the  line  and  troops  I  had  left ;  that  the  firing  with 
small  arms  commenced  after  I  returned  the  second  time ; 
that  in  the  action  the  enemy  were  three  times  repulsed ; 
that  in  the  interval  between  the  second  and  third  repulse, 
I  received  a  severe  wound  from  a  musket-ball  in  my 
right  elbow-joint,  for  which  wound  I  have  since  received 
a  pension  from  the  government  of  the  United  States ; 
that  I  then  left  the  field  of  battle  just  before  the  retreat 
of  the  Americans  from  the  fort,  and  passed  on  to  Bun- 
ker's Hill,  where  I  found  Gen.  Putnam  and  Col.  Gerrish 
in  nearly  the  same  place  where  I  first  saw  them  ;  that  I 
was  then  almost  exhausted  from  the  loss  of  blood ;  that 
Col.  Gerrish  gave  me  some  refreshment  and  bound  a 
handkerchief  around  my  arm  at  the  place  of  my  wound) 
and  sent  two  men  to  assist  me  over  the  Neck,  who  left 
me  before  I  had  cleared  the  Neck,  and  I  fell  and  U/  on 
the  ground,  until  nearly  all  the  Americans  had  retreated 
from  the  hill,  when  I  was  helped  off.  1  served  from  the 
commencement  to  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  and 
acted  successively  as  a  private,  a  sergeant,  ensign  and 
lieutenant.  .  ^ 

«  ROBERT  B.  WILKINS." 
Sworn  to  before  Samuel  Greene,  Justice  of  the  Peace. 
May,  30, 1818. 


with 


Rev.  Dr.  Wm.  Bentley's  Statement. 

«  Salem,  May  20, 1818, 
**  I  was  with  General  Stark  on  the  31st  of  May,  1810. 
I  always  had  a  deep  interest  in  the  man,  and  usually 


noo 

kept  a  notice  of  the  subject  ofour  conversation.  I  fbutid 
him  in  great  good  humor,  and  soon  upon  his  old  war 
stories,  which  1  did  not  take  care  minutely  to  preserve, 
because  Maj.  Caleb  Stark  had  told  me  he  was  collecting 
every  thing  worthy  of  the  public  eye,  and  to  be  publish- 
ed after  his  father^s  decease,  and  in  due  honor  of  his  me- 
tnory.  As  among  other  objects,  I  intended  to  get  a  like^ 
ness,  and  was  uncertain  of  success,  among  the  maps, 
prints,  and  papers  I  carried  him,  were  some  portraits, 
and  among  them  was  one  of  Gen.  Putnam.  I  recollect 
upon  the  sight  of  the  head  of  General  Putnam  he  said, 
*  My  champlain,'  as  he  called  me,  you  know  my  opinion 
of  that  man.  Had  he  done  his  duty,  he  would  have  de- 
cided the  fate  of  his  country  in  the  first  action.  He  then 
proceeded  to  describe  to  me  the  scene  of  action  and  the 
'pen,'  as  he  called  the  enclosed  works,  and  breast-works, 
and  gave  his  reason  for  not  entering  it,  and  the  want  of 
judgment  in  the  works.  He  then  told  me  where  he  saw 
General  Putnam  and  what  was  done  on  the  occasion, 
and  his  remarks  were  as  severe  as  his  genius  and  the 
sentiments  of  ardent  patriotism  could  make  them.  As 
Gen.  Stark  always  used  the  same  language  on  the  sub- 
ject, it  will  be  recollected  by  many  of  his  friends. 

'  -*        «    ,.     "WILLIAM  BENTLEY." 


V-'u 


1,1  ( 


^. 


Certificate  op  the  Rev.  Daniel  Chaplin,  D.D.,  op 
GaoTON,  AND  Rev.  John  Bullard,  op  Pepperell. 

«*  This  may  certify  the  public,  that  we  whose  names 
We  have  given,  were  in  the  habits  of  intimacy  with  Col. 
W.  Prescott,  of  Pepperell,  a  man  of  the  strictest  integrity. 


aoi 


}} 


♦ijr 


K,  OP 

imes 
Col. 


during  most  of  the  period  after  he  left  the  revolutionary 
army  until  his  death ;  that  at  sundry  times  in  conversa- 
tion with  him  about  the  war,  particularly  about  the  battle 
of  Bunker  Hill,  so  called,  he  uniformly  told  us,  that  Ma- 
jor Qen.  Warren  came  to  the  fort  on  Breed's  Hill,  which 
had  been  formed  the  night  preceding,  a  little  before  the 
British  made  an  attack  on  the  works ;  that  he,  Col.  Pres- 
cott,  said  to  Qen.  Warren,  '  I  am  happy  to  see  you.  Ge- 
neral,' or  using  words  to  the  same  effect,  Vfor  you  will 
now  take  command,  and  I  will  obey  your  orders  and  am 
relieved.'    Said  Gen.  Warren  to  him,  in  reply,  '  I  have 
no  command  here.  Col.  Prescott ;  I  am  a  volunteer ;  1 
came  to  learn  actual  service.'    Prescott  said,  <  I  wish> 
then,  you  would  look  at.  the  works  we  have  thrown  up, 
and  give  your  opinion.'    Warren  replied,  *  You  are  bet- 
ter acquainted  with  military  matters  than  1  am.'    After 
which  they  immediately  parted,  and  met  not  again.    G6L'. 
Prescott  further  informed  us  repeatedly,  that  when  a  re- 
treat was  ordered  and  commenced,  he  Was  descending 
the  hill,  he  met  Gen.  Putnam  and  said  to  him,  \  why  did 
you  not  support  me,  General,  with,  your  men,  as  I  had 
reason  to  expect,  according  tO:  agreement  V   Putnam  axb>^ 
swered,  *  I  could  not  drive  the  dogs  up.'    Prescott  points  > 
edly  said  to  him,  '  If  you  could  not  drive  them  up^  yent 
nught  have  led  them  up.'    We  have  good  reason  to  be«l 
lieve  further,  from  declarations  of  some  of  our  parishion-' 
ers — men  of  respectability,  whose  veracity  cannot  be 
doubted,  who  belonged  to  Col.  Prescott's  regiment,  and 
were  present  through  the  whole  service,  that  Gen.  Put^l 

nam  was  not  Qn  Breed's  Hijl  the  night  preceding,  or  oi^ 

17* 


202 


''■'t.  J 


tin 


to^f^M 


lil 


that  day,  except  that  just  before  the  attack  was  made,  he 
might  have  gone  to  the  fort  and  ordered  the  tools  to  be 
carried  off,  that  they  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  in  the  event  of  his  carrying  the  works,  and  hold^ 
ing  the  ground ;  and  that  he  and  his  men,  with  Colonel 
Gerrish,  remained  on  the  side  of  Bunker  Hill  towards 
the  Neck  during  the  whole  action.  :^' 'J**  "•'  '-   ^' 

«  (Signed)  i  Hi  ni;  5      DANIEL  CHAPLIN, 
«  Gioton,  June  5,  1818.        JOHN  BULLARD." 

Statement  of  the  Hon.  Abel  Parker,  Judge 
i  -fv-iiWiS"/  i;  u  OP  Probate,  .u  *u  •**•;;. i;uh>j,<.:: 
*<As  I  was  in  the  battle  on  Breed's  Hill,  otherwise 
called  Bunker's  Hill,  on  the  17th  day  of  June,  1775, 
and  there  received  one  ball  through  my  leg,  another 
having  passed  through  my  clothes,  all  accounts  of  that 
battle  which  I  have  seen  published,  have  been  to  me 
extremely  interesting.  But  I  have  never  seen  any 
account  which  I  considered  in  any  degree  correct,  until 
the  one  by  Gen.  Dearborn.  On  perusing  that  account 
with  the  utmost  attention,  I  could  discover  but  one  mis- 
take»  and  that  related  to  hie  assertion,  <  that  there  was 
not  a  man  that  flinched,*  or  to  that  effect,  for  his  narra- 
tive 18  not  now  before  me,  and  even  in  that  case,  I 
believe  the  General's  assertion  may  be  strictly  true,  if 
his  meaning  be  confined  to  the  time  after  his  arrival  on 
the  hill.  Previous  to  that,  there  were  many  who  lefl 
the  ground  at  the  fort,  particularly  at  the  landing  of  the 
British  troops ;  but  after  the  commencement  of  the  battle 
vith  tmall  anns,  I  know  of  no  man's  leaving  his  post, 


^3 


if 


until  the  order  to  retreat  was  given  by  Col.  Prescott. ' 
But  notwithstanding  the  correctness  of  Gen.  Dearborn's 
description  of  that  battle,  some  persons  seem  to  be  much 
exasperated  by  it,  in  particular  as  to  what  he  asserted  in 
regard  to  Gen.   Putnam.    As  long  as  they    confined 
themselves  to  mere  declamation,  without  bringing  for«  ^ 
ward  any  evidence  to  disprove  the  General's  assertion, 
I  deemed  it  unnecessary  for  me  to  appear  in  vindication 
of  the  General's  statement.    But  on  perusing  a  letter 
from  Col.  Trumbull  to  Col.  Putnam,  wherein  mention 
is  made  of  a  conversation  with  Col.  Small  in  London, 
I  concluded,  notwithstanding  my  aversion  to  take  any 
part  in  a  newspaper  discussion,  that  to  remain  any 
longer  silent,  would  be  absolutely  criminal.    I  shall, 
therefore,  in  as  concise  a  manner  as  possible,  state  what 
I  know  relating  to  that  memorable  battle.    Immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  I  engaged  in  the  service 
of  my  country,  in  Capt.  John  Nutting's  company,  in 
the  regiment  commanded  by  Col.  Wm.  Prescott.    Both  * 
of  these  officers   belonged   to  the  town  of  Pepetellf 
where  I  then  lived.    I  was  at  this  time  a  little  more 
than  twenty-two  years  of  age.    On  the  16th  day  of 
June  following,  Col.  PrescotCs  regiment  with  two  or 
three  others,  were  ordered  to  march  and  take  possession ' 
of  Bunker's  Hill.    On  our  arrival  at  the  place  called 
Charlestown  neck,  a  halt  was  made,  and  Capt.  Nutting's  ^ 
company,  with  ten  of  the  Connecticut    troops,  were 
detached  to  proceed  into  Charlestown  as  a  guard ;  the  ; 
remainder  marched  to  the  hill,  which  in  fact  was  Breed's, ' 
and  not  Bunker's  Hill,  where  they  commenced  building 


204 


a  small  fort.  In  the  morning,  not  far  from  sun-rising, 
the  alarm  was  fired  from  the  British  vessel  lying  in  the 
river.  Sometime  after  this,  Nutting's  company  leftth%, 
town,  and  marched  to  join  the  regiment  on  the  hill. — 
When  v^e  arrived  there,  the  fort  was  in  considerable 
forwardness,  and  the  troops  commenced  throwing  up  the 
breast-work  mentioned  by  Gen.  Dearborn.  We  had  not 
long  been  employed  in  that  work^  before  the  cannon 
shot  from  a  hill  in  Boston,  and  the  vessels  lying  in  the 
river  were  poured  in  upon  us  in  great  profusion.  How- 
ever, the  work  progressed  until  it  would  answer  the 
purpose  for  which  it  was  designed.  But  the  firing 
from  the  British,  artillery  continued  with  unabated  fury. 
Sometime  before  this,  there  was  brought  to  the  fort  sev-^  ^ 
eral  brass  field  pieces,  one  of  which  was  actually  fired 
towards  Boston  ;  but  the  ball  did  not  reach  the  town.  It 
had  this  effect,  however,  on  the  British,  that  it  made 
them  double  their  diligence  in  firing  upon  us.  In  the 
time  of  this  heavy  fire,  I,  for  the  first  time  that  day,  saw 
Gen.  Putnam  standing  with  others,  under  cover  of  the 
north  wall  of  the  fort,  where,  I  believe,  he  remained 
until  the  British  troops  made  their  appearance  in  their 
boats.  At  this  time  the  artillery  was  withdrawn  fron^| 
the  fort,  but  by  whose  orders  I  know  not,  and  Gen.^, 
Putnapii  at,  or  near  the  same  time,  left  the  fort.  The 
removing  of  the  artillery,  and  Gen.  FutnanCs  depart- 
ure, took  place  a  little  before,  (if  my  memory  be  correct) 
the  New  Hampshire  troops  made  their  appearance  on  the 
hill.  I  saw  them  when  they  arrived,  and  witnessed 
their  dexterity  in  throwing  up  their  breast- work  of  rails 
and  hay. 


M 


206 

«  When  the  British  first  made  their  attack  with  small 
arms,  I  was  at  the  breast  work,  where  I  remained  until  I 
received  my  wound  from  the  party  who  flanked  it ;  I 
then  went  to  the  fort,  where  I  remained  until  the  order 
to  retreat  was  given  by  Col.  Prescott.  After  my  arrival 
at  the  fort  I  had  a  perfect  opportunity  of  viefwing  the 
operations  of  the  day,  and  noticed  Col,  P.  as  the  only 
person  who  took  upon  him  any  command.  He  frequent- 
ly ordered  the  men  from  one  side  to  the  other,  in  order 
to  defend  that  part  which  was  prest  hardest  by  the 
enemy ;  and  I  was  within  a  few  yards  of  him,  when  the 
order  to  retreat  was  given ;  and  I  affirm,  that  at  that 
time  Gen.  Putnam  was  not  in  the  fort,  neither  had  he 
been  there  at  any  time  after  my  entering  the  same ;  and 
I  have  no  hesitation  in  declaring,  that  the  story  told  by 
Col.  Small  to  Col.  Trumbull,  concerning  Gen.  Putnam's 
saving  him  from  the  fire  of  our  men  at  that  time,  is 
altogether  unfounded.       ,  ,  n;, 

n  ABEL  PARKER.*' 

"  Jefrey,  N.  H,,  May  27, 1S18."  .-. 


,'r/  'V- 


'■r.-'?'^-.-- 


A  more  dignified  and  calm  appeal  to  the  public  in 
vindication  of  the  correctness  of  his  statement,  bearing 
on  the  face  of  it,  a  conciousness  of  having  narrated  the 
truth  in  its  simplicity,  is  rarely  to  be  found,  and  would 
have  done  credit  to  his  old  friend  and  commander, 
Washington.  So  complete  and  satisfactory  was  this  vin- 
dication, from  gentlemen  of  all  political  bearings,  and 
of  so  high  standing  in  society  for  veracity,  that  it  has 
precluded  any  attempt  to  contradict  their  statement 
from  the  dav  it  was  given  to  the  present  time. 


ao6 

They  all  give  th«ir  statemetits,  without  dictation, 
writing  separately,  at  diflerent  times  and  places.  They 
were  not  invited  by  public  advertisements  to  appear  to 
give  testimony ;  nor  were  agents  employed  to  travel  the 
country  to  get  up  testimony.  That  the  opposition  to 
Dearborn's  account  arose,  in  some  measure,  from  the 
political  feelings  of  the  day,  may  be  presumed,  from  the 
circumstance,  that  General  Heath  in  his  account  of 
Breed's  Hill  battle,  published  in  1798,  says :—      ^  '*^  " 

"  Perhaps  there  never  was  a  better  fought  battle  than 
this,  all  things  considered,  and  too  much  praise  can 
never  be  bestowed  on  the  conduct  of  Col.  William 
Prescott,  who,  notwithstanding  any  thing  that  may  have 
been  said,  was  the  proper  commanding  officer^  at  the 
redoubt,  and  nobly  acted  his  part  as  such,  during  the 
whole  action.  Just  before  the  action  began,  General 
Putnam  came  to  the  redoubt,  and  told  Colonel  Prescott 
that  the  entrenching  tools  must  be  sent  off,  or  they- 
would  be  lost ;  the  Colonel  replied,  that  if  he  sent  any 
of  the  men  away  with- the  tools,  not  one  of  them  would 
return,  to  this  the  General  answered,  <  they  shall  every 
man  return.'  A  large  party  was  then  sent  away  with 
the  tools,  and  not  one  of  them  returned  -,  in  this  instance 
the  Colonel  was  the  best  judge  of  human  nature.  In 
the  time  of  action,  Colonel  Prescott  observed  the  brave 
General  Warren  was  near  the  works ;  he  immediately 
stepped  up  to  him,  and  asked  him  if  he  had  any  orders 
to  give  him.  The  General  replied  that  he  had  none, 
that  he  exercised  no  command  there,  <  the  command,' 
said  the  General,  *  is  yours.'    Heath's  account  appeared 


207 


)rave 

itely 

rders 

lonei ' 

land,* 

Ured 


thirty  years  before  Dearborn's  in  which  he  declares 
Prescott  commanded  during  the  whole  action  ;  and  was 
never  contradicted.    He  further  places  Putnam  in  an 
awkward  situation  for  a  general,  absorbed  with  the  care 
of  entrenching  tools,  and  depriving  Prescott  of  a  large 
party,  it  is  said  at  least  two  hundred  men.    This  party 
with  eighteen  or  twenty  rounds,  would  in  all  probability, 
have  given  Prescott  what    he  most  richly  deserved, 
victory. — General  Wilkinson  in  his  memoirs,  published 
two  years  before  Dearborn's,  in  giving  an  account  of 
this  battle  says,  'After  the  third  repulse  of  the  light 
infantry,  and  whilst  the  attack  was  carried  on  against 
the  redoubt,  Stark's  men  behind  the  post  and  rail  fence 
near  the  Mystic  were  unassailed  and  unocupied,  and  the 
scene  near  the  redoubt  being  obscured  by  the  smoke, 
they  were  induced  to  retreat  reluctantly  after  the  work 
was  carried.     If  they  had  been  thrown  forward,  when 
the  light  infantry    finally    gave    way,  to   attack  Sir 
Williams  Howe's  right  flank  and  rear,  the  issue  of  this 
conflict  might  have  proved  unfortunate  for  him;  or  if 
General  Putnam  had  moved  up  with  Colonel  Gerrish 
and    the   m3n    who    remained  stationary   within  six 
hundred  yards  of  the  combat,  which  lasted  an  hour  and 
an  half,  the  triumph  of  the  provincials  would  have  been 
decisive,   and    those  of  the  British  corps  who    were 
not  killed  must  have  surrendered,  which  would  have 
probably  terminated  the  contest  and  prevented  the  dis- 
severment  of  the  British  empire ;  but  I  understand  from 
high  authority,  that  it  was  in  vain  that  Colonel  Prescott 
sent  messenger    after    messenger  to  entreat    General 


808 


Putnam  to  come  to  his  succor ;  he  rode  about  Bunker's 
Hill,  while  the  battle  raged  under  liis  eye,  with  a  number 
of  entrenching  tools  slung  across  his  horse,  but  did  not 
advance  a  step,  and  was  passed,  with  Colonel  Gerrish 
by  his  side,  by  Stark  and  Dearborn,  as  they  retreated, 
near  the  spot  where  they  saw  him  when  they  advanced  ; 
and  for  this  conduct  Colonel  Prescott  never  ceased  to 
reprobate  the  General."  ;, 

This  high  authority  quoted  by  Wilkinson,  was  pro- 
bably Colonel  Stark,  for  he  says  he  had  the  details  of 
the  battle  from  him  on  the  field,  the  17th  of  March 
1776,  the  day  the  British  left  that  post,  when  he 
observed  *'the  dead  lay  as  thick  as  sheep  in  a  fold," 
before  the  rail  fence.  Heath  and  Wilkinson  having 
been  before  the  public,  the  one  nearly  fifty  years,  and 
the  other  twenty,  uncontradicted  and  acquiesced  in, 
while  Dearborn  was  attacked  in  the  most  violent 
manner,  and  personal  abuse  heaped  upon  him,  makes  it 
more  than  probable  that  the  political  excitement  of  the 
day,  or  other  sinister  views  and  objects,  had  an  undue 
weight. 

In  every  controversy  about  the  truth  of  history,  or 
the  conduct  of  an  individual  in  exalted  station,  on  any 
particular  occasion,  and  that  controversy  of  recent  origin, 
it  is  prudent  and  safe  to  call  in  the  aid  of  authorities 
of  earlier  date,  and  who  lived  and  wrote,  at  or  near  the 
time,  the  event  in  controversy  happened.  On  referring 
to  Marshall,  Ramsey,  Lendrum,  General  H.  Lee,  and 
other  respectable  historians,  it  is  found  they  do  not 
mention  the  name  of  Putnam,  as  taking  any  part  in  the 


209 


or 


actioiK  Gordon,  who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
scene  of  action,  and  published  his  history  in  four  vol- 
umes, as  early  as  1787,  makes  Prescott  the  hero  of  the 
day,  and  adds,  Putnam  was  "  here  and  there." 

Botta  in  his  "  History  of  the  War  of  Independence  of 
the  United  States  of  America,"  says,  "  The  troops  of 
Massachusetts  commanded  by  Col.  Prescott,  occupied 
Charlestown,  the  redoubt,  and  part  of  the  trench  ;  those 
of  Connecticut,  commanded  by  Capt.  Knowlton,  and 
those  of  New  Hampshire,  commanded  by  Colonel  Stark^ 
the  rest  of  the  trench  ;  and  General  Putnam  was  on  the 
hill  above  to  superintend  the  action."  Humphries  in  his 
life  of  Putnam,  does  not  place  him  in  the  action,  but 
says  he  was  active  in  the  retreat.  Humphries  is  careful 
to  inform  his  readers,  that  the  facts  in  this  Life  he  re- 
ceived from  Gen.  Putnam's  own  mouth,  and  it  must 
appear  singular,  that  he  did  not  mention  to  his  biographer 
his  being  present  and  in  command  on  such  an  occasion. 
Gen.  Dearborn's  declaration,  that  Prescott  commanded 
in  the  redoubt  and  Stark  at  the  rail  fence,  and  nothing 
but  musket  balls  prevented  General  Putnam  from  re- 
inforcing them,  produced  great  indignation  ;  but  perhaps 
not  greater  than  the  following :  *'  When  General  Put- 
nam's ephemeral  and  unaccountable  popularity  subsided 
or  faded  away,  and  the  minds  of  the  people  were  released 
from  the  shackles  of  a  delusive  trance,  the  circumstances 
relating  to  Bunker  Hill,  were  viewed  and  talked  q^in  a 
rcry  different  lights  and  the  selection  of  the  unfortunate 
Col.  Gerrish  as  a  scape-goaty  considered  as  a  mysteri- 
ous and  inexplicable  event."    To  this  Col.  Putnam  and 

1R 


210 

others  gave  a  full  and  flat  denial,  and  published  Wash- 
ington's letter  to  Putnam  ol ready  cited,  in  confirrnatioii 
of  their  assertion,  that  his  popularity  never  did  subside 
or  fade  away.  In  justice  to  Gen.  Dearborn,  the  follow- 
ing letters  and  orders  from  Gen.  Washington  and  others 
are  given,  that  the  reader  may  be  more  fully  in  posses- 
sion  of  the  facts,  as  to  the  above  declaration  of  Dearborn. 


Extract  of  aletter  from  John  Adams  tohis  wife,  while  member  ofConij/o-.w, 
and  in  session  at  Baltimore,  and  when  the  basincss  of  tiiu  army  was 
especially  before  that  body,  for  on  the  duy  the  letter  was  written,  nine 
individuals  were  appointed  Brigadier  Generals,  viz.  Poor,  Patterson, 
Wayne,  Varnum,  De  Haas,  Weedon,  Muhlenburgi  Cadwallader  and 
Woodford. 

^^  Baltimore^  2\st  Febrttarpj  1777. 
I  sincerely  wish  we  could  hear  more  from  General 
Heath.  Many  persons  are  extremely  dissatisfied  with 
numbers  of  the  general  officers  of  the  highest  rank.  I 
don't  mean  the  Commander-in  Chief,  his  character  is 
justly  very  high,  but  Putnam,  Spencer  and  Heath,  are 
thought  by  very  few  to  be  capable  of  the  high  commands 
they  hold.  We  hear  of  none  of  their  heroic  deeds  in 
arms.    1  wish  they  would  all  resign."  i     r>.^ 

About  the  same  time  Robert  U.  i.iv*..gston,  then 
Chancellor  of  New- York,  wrote  Washington.  "  Your 
Excellency,"  said  he,  "  is  not  ignorant  of  the  extent  of 
Gen.  Putnam's  capacity  and  diligence ;  and  how  well 
^i  rvflr  vkey  may  qualify  him  for  this  important  com- 
mwici,  [the  I^i^hlands,]  the  prejudices  to  which  his 


211 


imprudent  lenity  to  the  disaffected,  and  too  greiU  inter- 
course with  Ihe  enemy,  have  given  rise,  have  grently 
injured  his  influence.  How  far  th^  loss  of  Fort  Mont- 
gomery nnd  the  subsequent  rnvnges  of  the  enemy  are  to 
be  attributed  to  him,  I  will  not  venture  to  say ;  as  this 
will  necessarily  be  determined  by  a  court  of  inquiry, 
whose  determination  I  would  not  anticipate.  Unfor- 
tunately for  him,  the  current  of  popular  opinion  in  this 
and  the  neighboring  states,  and  so  far  as  1  can  learn  in 
the  troops  under  his  command,  runs  strongly  against 
him.  For  my  own  part,  I  sincerely  lament  that  his 
patriotism  will  not  suffer  him  to  tal  j  that  repose  to 
which  his  age  and  past  services  justly  entitle  him." 

Gov.  Clinton  also  wrote  pressingly  lo  Washington 
requesting  the  removal  of  Putnam  fron.  the  command 
in  the  Highlands. 

In  1777,  Congress  appointed  Gov.  Clinton  a  general 
officer  in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  gave  him 
the  command  on  the  North  river,  because  as  President 
Hancock,  in  a  letter  to  Clinton  says,  "  an  active  and  vigi- 
lant officer  was  required  at  that  post."  But  Clinton's 
f/usiness  as  govenor,  was  so  pressing,  that  he  was  com- 
pelled to  decline  the  appointment,  which  continued 
Putnam  in  the  command  till  March,  1778.  Ir.  the  latter 
part  of  1777,  after  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne's  army, 
Washington  was  so  desirous  to  be  reinforced,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Philadelphia,  by  troops  on  the  Hudson  under 
Gates  and  Putnam,  that  he  sent  Hamilton,  hs  aid,  to 
hasten  their  march,  for  his  letters  to  them  had  not  had 
the  desired  effect.    Hamilton  did  not  find  either  of  those 


212 


Generals  disposed  to  comply  with  Washington's  orders, 
given  through  him.  He  addressed  many  letters  to 
Washington  on  this  subject,  and  in  one  dated  November 
12,  1777,  he  says,  "  By  a  letter  of  yesterday,  Gen.  Poor 
informs  me  he  would  certainly  march  this  morning.  I 
must  do  him  the  justice  to  say,  he  appears  solicitous  to 
join  you,  and  that  I  believe  the  past  delay  is  not  owing 
to  any  fault  of  his,  but  is  wholly  chargeable  to  Gen, 
Putnam.  Indeed  Sir,  I  owe  it  to  the  service  to  say,  that 
every  part  of  this  gentleman^s  conduct  is  marked  with 
blunders  and  negligence^  and  gives  general  disgustJ^ 
Again  Hamilton  says,  "  I  doubt  whether  he  will  attend 
to  any  thing  I  shall  say,  notwithstanding  it  comes  in 
the  shape  of  a  positive  order.  Col.  Hamilton  had  the 
satisfaction  of  receiving  a  letter  from  Washington  of 
November  15,  1777,  in  which  he  says,  "Dear  Sir — I 
have  duly  received  your  several  favors  from  the  time 
you  left  me  to  that  of  the  12th  instant.  I  approve  en- 
tirely of  all  the  steps  you'have  taken,  and  have  only  to 
wish  that  the  exertions  of  those  you  have  had  to  deal  with 
had  kept  pace  with  your  zeal  and  good  intentions.** 
Putnam's  disobedience  of  the  orders  of  Washington, 
which  prevented  him  from  even  attempting  the  capture 
of  Howe,  which  he  had  determined  to  effect,  deeply 
affected  his  mind ;  and  we  find  in  a  letter  dated  Valley 
Forge,  of  March  6,  1778,  he  thus  expresses  himself  in 
reference  to  the  command  of  Rhode  Island.  "  They 
also  know  with  more  certainty  than  I  do,  what  will  be 
the  determination  of  Congress  respecting  Gen.  Putnam  ; 
and  of  course  whether  the  appointment  of  him  to  such 


213 


a  command  as  that  at  Rhode  Island  would  fall  within 
their  views.  It  being  incumbent  on  me  to  observe,  that 
with  such  materials  as  I  am  furnishedythe  work  must 
go  on— whether  well  or  ill  is  another  matter.  If, 
therefore,  he  and  others  are  not  laid  aside^  they  must 
he  placed  where  they  can  least  injure  the  service."  In 
a  letter  of  Washington  to  Putnam,  dated,  "  Valley  Forge, 
16th  March,  1778,"  he  say.s,  "  Gen.  McDougall  is  to  take 
command  of  the  posts  in  the  Highlands.  My  reason  for 
making  this  change  is  owing  to  the  prejudices  of  the 
people,  which  whether  ivell  or  ill  groundiedj  must  be 
indulged  ;  and  I  should  think  myself  wanting  in  justice 
to  the  public  and  candor  towards  you,  were  I  to  continue 
you  in  a  command,  after  I  have  been,  almost  in  direct 
terms,  informed  that  the  people  of  the  State  of  New- 
York  will  not  render  the  necessary  support  and  assist- 
ance, while  you  remain  at  the  head  of  that  department. 
When  the  inquiry  is  finished  I  desire  that  you  will 
return  to  Connecticut  and  superintend  the  forwarding 
on  the  new  levies  with  the  greatest  expedition."  But 
Putnam  reluctantly  obeyed  this  order,  for  he  soon  ex- 
pressed a  wish  to  join  the  main  army,  as  may  be  gathered 
from  Washington  to  him  of  April  29th,  1778.  "  I  ex- 
pect in  a  few  days  a  general  plan  of  operations  for  the 
campaign  will  be  settled  ;  if  one  similar  to  that  which 
you  mention  should  be  fixed  upon,  your  assistance  will 
be  wanting  in  Connecticut  to  arrange  and  forward  the 
militia,  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  draw  from  that 
state,  and  therefore  I  wish  you  to  continue  there  till  you 

hear  from  me."    Similar  and  repeated  opinions  of  Wash- 

18* 


214 


ington  and  Hamilton  might  be  given,  but  it  seems  en- 
tirely unnecessary.  The  sole  reason  for  which  they  are 
referred  to,  is  to  show  that  Dearborn's  declaration  that 
Putnam's  "  ephemeral  and  unaccountable  popularity,  did 
subside  and  fade  ai^ay,"  notwithstanding  what  has  been 
said  to  the  contrary,  is  fully  supported  by  the  opinions 
and  actions  of  Adams,  Livingston,  Washington  and 
Hamilton.  Gentlemen,  whose  opinions,  heretofore,  and 
in  other  cases,  have  been  held  in  high  estimation  with 
their  countrymen,  and  whose  words  have  been  justly 
considered  truth. 

All  accounts  previous  to  that  of  Dearborn's,  which 
were  many,  give  the  command  to  Prescott,  and  were  si- 
lent with  regard  to  Putnam,  or  censured  him.  Anony- 
mous writers  have  been  numerous  of  later  times,  and 
their  statements  variant.  Capt.  Josiah  Cleveland  is  made 
to  say,  "On  the  retreat,  near  the  causeway,  Putnam  met 
with  Colonels  Gerrish  and  Poor,  with  their  regiments, 
whom  he  reprimanded  in  the  most  indignant  and  fiery 
terms,  for  not  coming  to  his  support.  They  excused 
themselves  by  saying  it  was  too  dangerous  to  cross  the 
causeway  over  Bunker's  Hill.  Putnam  replied  with  an 
oath,  that  the  balls  did'nt  hit  him,  and  they  too  might 
have  escaped.  These  men  were  afterwards  cashiered." 
Capt.  Cleveland  was  eighty-seven  years  old,  and  did  not 
sign  this  statement ;  but  the  editor  of  the  Oswego  adver* 
tiser  says  he  told  him  this,  and  so  published  it.  A  suffi- 
cient answer  to  all  this  is.  Colonel  Poor  was  not  within 
fifty-five  miles  of  Bunker's  Hill  that  day,  unless  Exeter, 
New  Hampshire,  is  nearer ;  nor  was  he  ever  cashiered, 


215 


but  died  of  a  fever  in  1780,  and  was  buried  at  Hacken- 
sack,  New  Jersey ;  and  in  the  opinion  of  "Washington, 
an  officer  of  distinguished  merit,  who,  as  a  citizen  and 
soldier,  had  every  claim  to  the  esteem  of  his  country." 

Among  the  great  variety  of  opinions  expressed  in  re- 
gard to  the  degree  of  merit  due  the  several  actors  in  our 
revolutionary  struggle,  it  is  satisfactory  to  find  some  dis- 
posed to  speak  of  them  with  calmness,  candor,  and  per- 
sonal knowledge.  In  a  manuscript  letter,  now  before 
me,  of  August,  1842,  from  a  very  intelligent  gentle- 
man, we  have  such  an  expression:  "  I  lived  in  Pomfret, 
within  three  miles  of  Gen.  Putnam,  when  he  died,  in 
1790,  and  am  very  well  acquainted  with  his  public  and 
private  character.  It  is  a  common  practice  for  all  nations 
to  represent  all  their  commanders  as  invincible  heroes. 
Putnam  was  so  represented  by  spme  Americans,  in  April, 
1775 ;  while  some  of  the  enemy  at  that  time  said  he  was 
a  mere  wolf  catcher  and  Indian-hunter,  who  was  hardly 
equal  to  command  a  company  of  grenadiers.  During 
the  battle  on  Breed's  Hill,  I  believe  Putnam  was  seen 
near  the  hill,  urging  men  to  go  into  the  battle,  but  that 
he  was  chief  of  the  time  on  Bunker's  Hill,  where  there 
was  no  danger  from  the  enemy's  bullets ;  that  he  showed 
an  improper  anxiety  in  the  time  of  battle  to  save  spades 
and  pickaxes,  I  have  no  doubt.  I  think  a  full,  correct 
and  impartial  history  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  (such 
a  one  has  not,  I  believe,  yet  been  published,)  would 
prove  conclusively  that  General  Putnam  had  not  talents 
that  fitted  him  to  command  an  army.  From  the  pub- 
lished accounts  of  the  disastrous  battle  on  Long  Island, 


216 

by  Marshall,  Ramsey  and  others,  and  from  an  account 
of  the  battle  I  have  had  from  Col.  Knowlton's  son,  who 
was  there,  I  have  no  doubt  the  chief  misfortunes  of  the 
day  may  be  attributed  to  the  great  want  of  military  tal- 
ents of  the  commander,  Gen.  Putnam.  Daniel  Putnam, 
(page  3)  says :  <  two  days  before  the  battle  of  Fiatbush, 
in  consequence  of  the  sickness  of  that  excellent  officer, 
Gen.  Green,  who  had  commanded  on  Long  Island,  Gen. 
Putnam  was  ordered  to  the  command  of  that  post,  and 
assisted  in  the  arduous  and  complicated  difficulties  of  that 
masterly  retreat.'  D.  Putnam  is  the  only  person  that  I 
ever  heard  or  read  of,  who  asserted  tha^  Gen.  Putnam 
assisted  in  that  niasterly  retrcjat.  I  believe  that  General 
Putnam  remaii)e4  ia  h)s  fortified  camP}  at  Brooklyn,  du- 
ring the  battle,  while  General  ^ulliyan  did  the  fighting 
-^vithout  the  lines,  but  he  could  not  retrieve  the  blunders 
of  Putnam.  General  Putnam  was  a  plain,  industrious) 
prudent  farmer,  and,  I  think,  was  a  brave,  honest  man, 
but  without  talents  or  other  qualifications  to  constitute  a 
general.  I  believe  it  would  be  difficult  at  this  time  to 
offer  any  satisfactory  reason  why  he  was  held  in  such 
high  estimation  by  some  of  the  Americans  previous  to 
the  battle  of  Breed's  Hill." 

The  writer  of  the  above  letter  is  still  living,  and  wrote 
without  expressing  any  wish  that  it  should  be  considered 
or  treated  as  confidential ;  but  not  having  an  opportuni- 
ty of  seeing  or  wrjting  him,  on  the  occasion,  before  this 
goes  to  press,  his  name  is  not  given  at  this  time.  From 
Col.  Svvett's  h:story  of  this  battle,  and  he  was  never  sus- 
pected of  being  desirous  of  supporting  Gen.  Dearborn 


217 

in  his  declarations,  being  one  of  Gov.  Brook's  military 
family,  we  have  the  different  declarations  of  Putnam  and 
Prescott,  previous  to  the  battle.  Putnam  says :  "  From 
long  experience  he  perfectly  comprehended  the  character 
of  the  British ;  they  would  ultimately  succeed  and  drive 
us  from  the  works ;  ^ut  from  the  mode  of  attack  they 
had  chosen,  it  was  in  our  power  to  do  them  infinite  mis- 
chief, though  we  must  be  prepared  for  a  brave  and  or- 
derly retreat,  when  we  could  maintain  our  ground  no 
longer."  When  preparation  on  the  part  of  the  British 
was  apparent  to  attack  the  works  thrown  up  by  Prescott, 
and  the  men  felt  and  expressed  a  wish  to  leave  them, 
having  worked  all  night,  and  spent  the  day  without  re- 
freshments, he  instantly^ repressed  their  feelings  by  decla- 
ring, '  the  enemy  would  not  dare  to  attack  them,  and  if 
they  did,  would  be  defeated ;  the  men  who  had  raised 
the  works  were  the  best  qualified  to  defend  them ;  they 
had  already  learned  to  despise  the  fire  of  the  enemy ; 
they  had  the  merit  of  the  labor,  and  should  enjoy  the 
honor  of  the  victory.'  "  These  two  declarations  had  the 
effect  which  might  naturally  be  supposed :  the  one  to 
create  a  trepidation  in  young  and  inexperienced  soldiers, 
and  prevent  them  going  into  action,  in  which  they  were 
told  by  their  general  they  were  to  be  defeated ;  the  other, 
to  retain  them  where  they  were,  await  the  approaching 
danger,  and  defend  their  works  to  the  last  extremity,  with 
the  assurance  of  victory.  The  one,  if  not  the  suggestion 
of  fear,  was  to  the  last  degree  imprudent  and  injudicious; 
the  other,  the  most  gallant,  and  has  placed  its  author,  for 
his  conduct  on  that  day,  first  among  his  countrymen. — 


218 


Washington's  condifct  at  Braddock's  defeat  will  not  com- 
pare with  i^ 

Anonymous  writers  and  village  editors  have,  since 
Dearborn's  account,  written  and  published  often  repeated 
statements,  to  lessen  the  weight  of  his  account,  without 
facts  to  support  them.  One  publication  appeared  in  a 
Boston  periodical  of  1818,  and  republished  in  the  "  New 
World,"  New  Yorkj  1841.  Who  the  author  was,  is  un- 
known. The  object  it?  to  ^emoljsh  Dearborn,  prevent 
his  being  elected  Qovejoor  of  Massachusetts,  and  excite 
Gen.  Putnani's  descendants  to  resent  everything  said 
against  their  ancestor.  He  does  not  doubt  General 
Dearborn's  '*  personal  veracity,"  but  denies  that  General 
Dearborn  is  the  person  talking ;  but  Captain  Dearborn. 
That  General  Dearborn,  in  1818,  is  not  hound  to  relate 
truly  what  Captain  Dearborn  siaw  in  177j5,  although  the 
general  and  captaiji  ^X9  .one  and  the  sarnp  man,  not 
possessing  twQ  disMnct  natures  or  intelligences.  He  fur- 
ther says,  f*  Qeueral  Dearborn  probably  knows  that  Col. 
Prescott  and  Oen.  Putnam  kept  up  a  friendly  acquaint- 
ance during  their  lives,"  General  Dearborn  nor  the 
■writer  of  the  above  sentence  ever  had  any  sqch  know- 
ledge as  is  implied.  Had  such  been  the  fact,  the  writer 
could  have  given  it,  as  Prescott  and  Putnam  both  had 
sons  living  when  he  wrote.  But  this  fact  is  assumed  to 
lessen  the  weight  of  the  uniform  and  constant  statement 
of  Col.  Prescott ;  and  no  one  ever  doubted  his  veracity, 
'.'that  Putnam's  conduct  during  the  action  and  retreat 
was  such  that  he  ought  to  have  been  shot."    The  writer 


V. 


219 

further  states,  that  the  British  pnrstied  our  troops  over 
Bunker  Hill,  the  Neck,  and  to  Winter  Hill,  where  Put- 
nam met  them  and  drove  them  back  under  cover  of  their 
ships — a  mis-statement  in  every  part;    The  writer  at  last 
agrees  with  Dearborn,  and  says  the  battle  should  bo 
called  "  Prescott's  Battle."    But  Dearborn's  great  offence, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  anonymous  writer,  is,  he  wrote 
"  voluntarily  and  without  neeessity."    The  venerable 
Marshall  wrote  voluntarily  and  without  necessity,  when 
he  said  the  disastrous  affair  at  Brooklyn  Heights  occurr- 
ed, or  were  greatly  aggravated  by  Gen.  Putnam's  total 
neglect  of  Washington's  written  order  to  guard  the  ave- 
nues to  his  camp.    This  being  neglected,  the  British  co- 
lumns, during  the  preceding  ttight,  occupied  in  silence 
and  unnoticed  the  very  position  they  wished.    He  wrote 
voluntarily  about  the  capture  of  forls  Montgomery  and 
Clinton,  in  the  Highlands,  Where  Putnam'  commanded — 
when  he  said  he  had  men  enough  to  have  prevented 
these  disasters,  had  they  been  suitably  arranged  and  dis- 
posed.   A  man  who  gives  an  account  of  how  a  battle  is 
fought,  is  equally  bound  to  give  the  trUe  cfause  of  its 
loss.    Had  Dearborn,  in  his  accoutit  of  (he  battle,  given 
a  full  list  of  what  Colotiel  Hatnrlton  called  his  "  endless 
blunders  and  caprices,"  he  might  have  been  viewed  as  a 
wanton  deceiver ;  for  his  account  did  not  require  any 
thing  more  than  what  related  to  Putnam's  conduct  on 
the  day  of  the  battle  of  Breed's  Hill.    Had  he  withheld 
the  cause  of  the  loss  of  the  battle,  his  narrative  would 
have  been  incomplete!  and  uasatisfaclory. 


220 

Without  taking  into  consideration  the  weight  of  tes- 
timony in  favor  of  Gen.  Dearborn's  account,  it  may 
well  be  asked  what  possible  motive  could  he  have 
had  for  stating  a  falsehood  respecting  a  transaction  which 
he  saw.  He  was  more  than  sixty-five  years  of  age  when 
he  made  the  statement,  had  fought  his  way  from  a  cap* 
tain  to  commander-in-chief  of  the  American  army,  as 
well  as  high  and  important  civil  offices,  without  a  suspi- 
cion against  his  moral  character,  patriotism,  or  capacity. 
What  could  induce  a  man  to  make  shipwreck  of  such  a 
character?  -  ^ 

This  has  occasioned  a  pause  on  the  part  of  his  revilers ; 
and  in  charity  to  him,  they  say  they  are  willing  to  believe 
he  was  superannuated  and  in  his  dotage.  This  is  mere 
affectation ;  for  after  he  wrote  his  account,  ho  was  nomi- 
nated by  President  Monroe  ns  a  foreign  minister,  and 
unanimously  approved  by  the  senate ;  and  nearly  all  of 
them  had  known  him  personally.  This  office  he  accept- 
ed, and  performed  all  the  duties  of  it  to  the  acceptance 
of  the  government.  Was  Gen.  Dearborn  now  alive,  he 
would  have  less  reason  to  complain  of  the  treatment  he 
has  received  than  Washington ;  for  the  same  kind  of 
people  openly  aver  that  Washington's  fear  of  Putnam's 
popularity  was  so  great,  that  he  feared  being  superceded 
by  him ;  and  that  he  was  a  New  England  man,  and 
therefore  he  made  the  statements  he  did  against  him. 
Did  Washington  ever  withhold  his  confidence  in  Griene, 
Lincoln,  Knox,  or  Poor,  because  they  were  New  Eng- 
land men?  „    , 


221 


of  tes- 
it  may 
e  have 
1  which 
;e  when 
1  a  cap* 
rmy,  as 
a  suspi- 
iapacity. 
*  such  a 

revilers ; 
0  believe 
St  is  mere 
as  nomi- 
ster,  and 
irly  all  of 
le  accept- 
jceptance 
alive,  he 
tment  he 
i  kind  of 
Putnam's 
iperceded 
man,  and 
linst  him. 
n  Graene, 
ievr  Eng- 


If  the  minds  of  the  people  in  1776  were  u.  .he  "  shack- 
les of  a  delusive  trance"  in  regard  to  the  standing  and 
services  of  Gen.  Putnam,  a  similar  trance  remains  upon 
them  relative  to  the  motives  of  Washington's  treatment 
of  him. 

That  a  highly  respectable  clergyman  of  Charlestown, 
recently  delivering  an  address  on  the  anniversary  of 
Banker's  Hill  battle,  at  the  request  of  his  fellow-towns- 
men, should  be  sneered  at  by  a  descendant  of  Gen.  Put- 
nam's, for  giving  the  credit  of  the  day  to  Col.  Prescott, 
to  whom  all  history  had  given  it,  and  placing  Putnam  on 
the  hill  above  in  charge  of  the  entrenching  tools,by  calling 
him  a  young  wan,  was  not  surprising ;  but  that  Wash- 
ington's motives  should  at  this  day  be  considered  other 
than  the  purest  patriotism  would  justify,  was  not  ex- 
pected. 

The  error  Col.  Trumbull  was  led  into  by  Maj.  Small, 
in  London,  in  1786,  in  placing  Gen.  Putnam  in  his  pic- 
ture, seems  the  true  reason  why  he  was  ever  thought  of 
as  an  actor  in  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill.  Trumbull 
had  originally  placed  him  in  the  back-ground  of  his 
picture,  and  made  the  alteration  at  the  suggestion  of 
Major  Small.  Prescott  is  represented  as  a  feeble  old 
man,  with  a  slouched  hat,  plain  coat  and  under- clothes, 
more  like  a  Quaker  than  a  soldier,  and  placed  in  a  situ- 
ation little  corresponding  with  command.  If  a  historian, 
or  graphic  historiographer  does  not  tell  the  whole  tmth, 
ho  is  bound  not  to  violate  known  truth.    Col.  Trumbull, 

19 


r-] 


222 


years  before  his  death,  was  satisfied  of  his  mistake,  and 
said,  he  believed  "  Putnam  had  little  or  nothing  to  do 

with  the  battle."  •• '.   ^  .  .    /»   . 

'  With  those  who  will  or  can,  with  candor,  examine 
Gen.  Dearborn's  account,  and  the  evidence  in  support  of 
it,  he  will  remain  the  true  narrator  of  an  important  event 
of  the  revolution — the  veteran  soldier>-the  honest  and 
upright  public  servant — entitled  to  the  respect  of  his 
countrymen.    •'-•  "  •.'    ■■-'^  ■   '  '  ?•'';■ 


I 


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